Porti & ambiente — le notizie raccolte

La nuova fotografia del traffico merci (rinfuse, break bulk e container) e passeggeri (traghetti e crociere) che transitano sulle banchine dello Stivale nelle tabelle di Assoporti “I numeri dei porti italiani – Edizione 2026” (CLICCA E LEGGI) Anche quest’anno SHIPPING ITALY offre ai suoi lettori l’inserto speciale intitolato “I numeri dei porti italiani” dove sono riassunti in 24 pagine tutti i numeri, i trend e le analisi sui traffici marittimi e sulle varie merceologie che transitano attraverso le banchine del Paese. Partendo dalle statistiche raccolte e pubblicate da Assoporti, l’associazione delle port authority italiane, la redazione del nostro giornale online propone una serie di approfondimenti che fotografano lo stato di salute del trasporto merci e passeggeri per settore d’attività (container gateway, transhipment, rinfuse liquide, solide, break bulk, passeggeri dei traghetti e delle crociere) mostrando il progresso (o il decremento) rispetto all’anno precedente e stilando una sorta di classifica dei porti italiani per merceologie movimentate. Complessivamente sono state 510.802.032 le tonnellate di merci transitate nei porti italiani nell’esercizio appena trascorso, in crescita rispetto alle 510.802.032 tonnellate del 2024. Più in dettaglio sono state 186.274.213 le tonnellate di rinfuse liquide, 53.020.530 le tonnellate di rinfuse solide, 131.867.586 le tonnellate di merce in container, 122.184.516 le tonnellate di carichi rotabili e 17.455.178 le altre merci varie imbarcate e sbarcate sulle banchine degli scali italiani. Buona lettura! Nicola Capuzzo Direttore responsabile

Por Redacción PortalPortuario/Agencia Reuters @PortalPortuario La corporación financiera india Sagarmala Finance Corporation está lista para emitir el primer “bono azul” del país, en su búsqueda por diversificar las fuentes de financiamiento para otorgar créditos destinados al desarrollo de infraestructura marítima y costera, según informó un alto ejecutivo a Reuters. Un bono azul es un instrumento de deuda diseñado para recaudar fondos destinados a proyectos relacionados con los océanos y el agua, dirigido a inversores que tienen el mandato de invertir en bonos con un enfoque medioambiental. Si bien los “bonos verdes” utilizados para financiar proyectos relacionados con el cambio climático han experimentado un repunte considerable, la deuda de Sagarmala sería el primer de este tipo en la India. A nivel mundial, a mediados de 2025 se habían emitido poco más de 15.000 millones de dólares en bonos azules, según datos del Banco Mundial. En 2020, el Banco de China emitió el primer bono azul de Asia, mientras que algunas naciones insulares como las Seychelles también han recaudado fondos a través de dichos títulos de deuda. Sagarmala, la entidad estatal india de financiamiento enfocada en el sector marítimo, planea recaudar hasta 10.000 millones de rupias (105,08 millones de dólares), lo que incluye una opción de sobreadjudicación de 5.000 millones de rupias, según informó a Reuters el director ejecutivo, L.V.S. Sudhakar Babu. “Aunque el plazo y la tasa exactos aún están por decidirse, la compañía planea utilizar la emisión de bonos para financiamiento a más largo plazo. Los préstamos a plazo actuales de Sagarmala tienen un vencimiento promedio de 3,5 años, mientras que el plazo promedio de los créditos que desembolsa es de unos 12 años, lo que genera un descalce entre activos y pasivos”, explicó Babu. Trust Capital, AK Capital y Tipsons han sido designados como asesores para la emisión de bonos, cuya fecha aún está por definirse. “Esto ocurrirá cuando el mercado sea propicio y los rendimientos se estabilicen”, señaló Babu. El rendimiento de referencia a 10 años de la India ha subido alrededor de 35 puntos básicos desde el inicio de la guerra entre Estados Unidos e Irán, lo que ha afectado la actividad en el mercado de bonos. Establecida en 2016 bajo el Ministerio de Puertos, Navegación y Vías Navegables de la India, Sagarmala recibió una licencia de empresa financiera no bancaria en junio de 2025. Reuters había informado anteriormente que Sagarmala planea recaudar hasta 100.000 millones de rupias en el año fiscal 2027 para financiar proyectos que fortalezcan el ecosistema marítimo de la India, incluyendo puertos nuevos y existentes, conectividad de última milla con los puertos, construcción naval, vías navegables interiores y redes de carreteras costeras. La compañía también administra el Fondo de Desarrollo Marítimo del gobierno, dotado con 250.000 millones de rupias, el cual incluye un Fondo de Incentivo de Intereses de 50.000 millones de rupias que le permite otorgar subsidios a las tasas de interés para los prestatarios. Sagarmala también está buscando una inyección de capital de 20.000 millones de rupias por parte del gobierno para mantener una relación deuda-capital saludable a medida que expande su cartera de préstamos.

There’s something about being at sea that feels distinctly restorative. The stresses of the shore fall away in the salt air, and the pressures of daily life ease into the wake as theyachtleaves land behind. For many owners, time onboard is the only point in the year when the pace of life slows. Calls drop away, schedules ease, and attention returns to the present. AtSanlorenzo, that shift is not left to chance. It is built into the design. “Proximity to the sea increases the sense of wellness,” says executive chairman of Sanlorenzo,Massimo Perotti.“Being on the water is a positive element for the human being. You travel without formality, you reduce the speed of life, and you forget the problems of everyday life. We simply create the conditions for that.”Related StoriesThis New Semi-Private Jet Can Now Fly You From Los Angeles to the HamptonsPorsche Just Unveiled a Trio of One-Off 911s Inspired by ‘Toy Story 5’This Electric Aircraft Is the First to Take Flight Using Solid-State Batteries For more than 60 years, Sanlorenzo has defined Italian excellence in yacht building, crafting custom superyachts that combine refined design with innovative engineering. Its approach is grounded in architecture. Over the past decade, its collaboration with Sanlorenzo art director Piero Lissoni has established an approach shaped by lifestyle and longevity. Interiors are arranged as connected spaces, allowing movement to feel easy and uninterrupted, while each element is considered in terms of how it will be used over time. The focus is not only on how a yacht is experienced at the moment, but how it continues to support life onboard across years of ownership. “Our responsibility is to design not only for today, but for how our clients will live in the future,” says Perotti. The modus operandi extends beyond the interior, shaping how each space relates to the sea and the owner’s style of living. That understanding informs the way each yacht is developed. Sanlorenzo’s long-standing “made-to-measure” philosophy has evolved into a process of co-creation, where owners work closely with the yard to define how their yacht will function in practice. Layouts are adjusted around individual routines, whether that involves extended family use, long-distance cruising or integrating work into life on the vessel. One current project involves a 243-foot yacht designed with an entire deck dedicated to office space, allowing its owner to spend several months a year onboard while continuing to run his business. “He wants to move his office onboard,” says Perotti. “The intention is not to work less, but to work better.” Meanwhile, the latest 74Steel project, known asVirtuosity, was conceived for a Canadian owner with strong eco-credentials and designed to bring nature into greater focus. In an industry first, a living tree rises through the center of the yacht, becoming a centerpiece across multiple levels. The decision required a rethinking of the yacht’s structure, with space removed across decks to accommodate it, as well as an extended development process to ensure it could survive the conditions at sea, from salt air to constant movement. The idea, as Perotti describes it, was to bring something natural onboard—creating a more immediate connection to the environment. “It becomes a focal point,” says Perotti. “You lose space, but you gain something different.” Developed over more than four years of dialogue between owner and shipyard, the Virtuosity project reflects a broader approach to design. Elements such as the tree, the reflecting pool on the owner’s deck, and the expanded ocean-level living areas are not conceived as additions, but as outcomes of a single architectural approach, integrating nature, light and structure. This is most apparent at sea level, where the reconfigured “Ocean Resort” extends across more 210 square feet, opening laterally to the water and maintaining a direct connection to the sea. Below, a submerged lounge within the hull brings the marine world into view at eye level. “We are obsessed with proportions, with intelligent architecture and with balance,” says Renato Bisignani, group chief marketing and communication officer at Sanlorenzo. “Design is at the core of what we do, and innovation is always aimed at improving the experience onboard.” As owners increasingly prioritize time, individuality and longevity, the yacht builder’s emphasis on experience and wellbeing has underpinned its recent success. With its design credentials and preference towards quiet luxury, Sanlorenzo does not position itself for a broad market, instead focusing on a group of owners—often described internally as connoisseurs—who share a strong interest in design, architecture and art, and have a clear understanding of how they want to live on the ocean. “We cater to a very selective audience,” says Bisignani. “People who understand quality and excellence.” This perspective has shaped the company’s wider cultural engagement. Its long-standing presence at Milan Design Week, and its partnerships with institutions such as the Guggenheim and Art Basel, reflect a natural alignment with its client base, many of whom are collectors and participants in those worlds. “It is a natural evolution,” Perotti says. “Our customers appreciate design, and they appreciate art—they understand what we are doing.” Projects like the recently launched SHE yacht reflect this intersection of heritage and contemporary thinking, drawing on references from the past while incorporating modern propulsion systems and updated spatial concepts. Across all of its work, Sanlorenzo is consistently dedicated to how its yachts can be enjoyed over time. “The point is not only to live more,” says Perotti, “but live well.”

Questo articolo è gratis. Per leggerne altri, ricevere le newsletter e avere libero accesso ai contenuti scelti dalla redazione Registrati Minacce agli elettori, che non devono “prendere la strada sbagliata”. Eserciti di propaganda con imprese, influencer e autorevoli media arruolati per fare leva sulla paura. E addirittura lavoratori costretti a votare contro la sinistra, perché Iván Cepeda presidente non s’ha da fare. Parodiando sant’Ignazio di Loyola: Todo modo per assecondare la volontà degli Stati Uniti e della destra internazionale a Bogotà, dove il clima politico è stato avvelenato ben prima dell’apertura delle urne. “Se la Colombia, Dio non lo voglia, prende la strada sbagliata, tutti i cattivi attori che oggi sono a Cuba e in Venezuela e Nicaragua si trasferiranno lì”, è stato l’avvertimento del senatore Usa Bernie Moreno, che ha raggiunto Bogotà con l’accredito di osservatore internazionale, contravvenendo la risoluzione 09458/2025 nella quale il Paese sudamericano vieta ogni “manifestazione a favore o contro partiti, movimenti o candidati” a chi assume il suddetto incarico. Alla vigilia del voto Moreno ha tirato fuori la vecchia carta del narcoterrorismo e ha anticipato che gli Stati Uniti potrebbero non riconoscere l’esito delle urne “in caso di violenza”. Secondo diverse fonti, Moreno avrà un incontro anche con i candidati Abelardo De La Espriella (Difensori della Patria) e Paloma Valencia (Centro Democratico), che al momento si contendono voti a destra, al fine di individuare, in nome dell’amministrazione Trump, una formula unitaria verso il secondo turno. Le anomalie sono già state segnalate al Consiglio nazionale elettorale dall’Internazionale progressista e da altri attori che monitorano l’andamento delle elezioni. Moreno è anche intervenuto per smentire il presidente uscente Gustavo Petro che, chiedendo la collaborazione dell’amministrazione Trump, diceva: “La Cia è già in possesso di dati reali e concreti su un possibile attentato al candidato Cepeda”. Moreno non è altro che il portavoce delle ostilità di Donald Trump e Marco Rubio verso Petro a cui, dopo aver condannato la cattura di Nicolás Maduro, è stato detto: “Potresti essere il prossimo“. E in tempi di elezioni le manovre sono arrivate da più parti, a cominciare dalla “cellula informativa” filtrata nell’inchiesta HondurasGate, nella quale l’ex presidente honduregno, Juan Orlando Hernández, annunciava la nascita di un laboratorio di disinformazione negli Stati Uniti contro il fronte progressista rappresentato da Petro, Claudia Sheinbaum (Messico) e altri leader e per il quale l’argentino Javier Milei avrebbe pagato 350mila dollari. Sullo stesso fronte Señal Colombia e Revista Raya hanno svelato l’esistenza del cosiddetto Plan Júpiter (Piano Giove, ndr), lanciato da Jaime Bermúdez Merizalde, consulente dell’ex presidente Alvaro Uribe Vélez, con la finalità di ingaggiare imprese, media e influencer uniti per far leva sulle paure della popolazione. L’apparato di propaganda mirava ad attribuire alla sinistra colombiana le responsabilità sulla morte di Miguel Uribe Turbay, pre-candidato del Centro democratico morto in ospedale mesi dopo un attentato con arma da fuoco. Il progetto è costato oltre 2 milioni di dollari e ha riunito think tank come Red de liderazgo e Instituto de Ciencia Política, oltre a diversi rappresentanti del mondo economico tenuti a pilotare i voti dei propri dipendenti. In seguito la viceministra del Lavoro, Sandra Milena Muñoz, ha detto di aver ricevuto un “consistente numero di denunce che potrebbero essere riconducibili a coercizione lavorativa”. Il caso più controverso è stato quello del colosso sanitario Keralty, con trenta imprese distribuite in Colombia, che avrebbe costretto i propri dipendenti a votare contro Cepeda. Tuttavia la vicenda è poco chiara, poiché il sindacato del conglomerato ha fatto un passo indietro dopo aver riportato le denunce dei lavoratori. Ma la coercizione non si ferma qui. Ore prima del voto il presidente ecuadoriano Daniel Noboa ha revocato i dazi commerciali imposti alla Colombia a inizio anno, già denunciati da Bogotà come “atto di ingerenza” in vista delle elezioni, dopo aver incontrato il candidato De La Espriella. La scorsa estate l’amministrazione Trump ha annunciato la riduzione del pacchetto di aiuti annuale destinato alla Colombia, da 400mila a meno di 300mila dollari a causa delle tensioni Petro-Trump in materia di lotta al narcotraffico. “Se non eliminerà i campi lo faremo noi al posto suo”, minacciava il tycoon in riferimento alle coltivazioni di coca. Altro gesto ostile è stato l’inserimento di Petro nell’elenco di sanzioni Ofac, misura voluta da Bernie Moreno e mai revocata. “Il disegno è evidente. Delegittimare, indebolire e sottomettere l’altro, in ottica neocoloniale“, commenta la giornalista d’inchiesta Valeria Duarte a Ilfattoquotidiano.it, facendo riferimento alla nuova Strategia nazionale antidroga degli Usa, che “menziona Colombia otto volte e costruisce i presupposti per interventi unilaterali Usa“. Non è un caso che, negli ultimi giorni, il Messico abbia introdotto una modifica costituzionale che dispone l’annullamento di elezioni in caso di “ingerenza straniera” nel Paese.

Questo articolo è gratis. Per leggerne altri, ricevere le newsletter e avere libero accesso ai contenuti scelti dalla redazione Registrati Un farmaco comunissimo, presente in quasi tutte le case, percepito spesso come innocuo perché da banco e usato fin dall’infanzia. Eppure il paracetamolo, se assunto oltre le dosi corrette, può provocare danni gravi al fegato e, nei casi più severi, conseguenze irreversibili. L’Agenzia Italiana del Farmaco ha acceso i riflettori su un fenomeno che preoccupa sempre di più: i casi di sovradosaggio intenzionale tra adolescenti, spesso legati a gesti impulsivi, fragilità emotive o alla sottovalutazione dei rischi reali del medicinale. Il richiamo si basa sull’analisi congiunta dei dati disponibili a livello nazionale, quelli della Rete Nazionale di Farmacovigilanza e, in particolare, quelli del Centro Antiveleni di Pavia, che indicano un numero significativo di casi di sovradosaggio intenzionale di paracetamolo in questa fascia di età. Un segnale d’allarme che non riguarda soltanto la farmacologia, ma anche il disagio psicologico giovanile, il ruolo delle famiglie e la percezione distorta dei farmaci “quotidiani”. Ne abbiamo parlato con Danilo De Gregorio, Professore Associato in Farmacologia presso l’Università Vita Salute San Raffaele e Project Leader dell’Unità di Neuropsicofarmacologia dell’Ospedale San Raffaele. Fegato danneggiato Professor De Gregorio, il paracetamolo è considerato da molti un farmaco “sicuro”. Perché invece un sovradosaggio può diventare così pericoloso? “Il Paracetamolo, una volta assunto, viene biotrasformato dai nostri enzimi epatici in un composto potenzialmente tossico, dico potenzialmente in quanto il nostro stesso fegato riesce tranquillamente a tenerlo sotto controllo e annientarlo, purché venga rispettato il massimo dosaggio giornaliero consentito (3 o 4 g al giorno). Tuttavia, se assunto a un dosaggio superiore a quello raccomandato, il nostro fegato non riesce più a compensare questa grande quantità di composto tossico che si è formato, il quale può determinare necrosi epatica, ossia morte delle cellule del fegato e, in caso di dosi letali (10 g) morte per epatite fulminante”. Manca la percezione del rischio L’Aifa parla di casi di sovradosaggio intenzionale negli adolescenti. Dal suo osservatorio, quanto pesa la percezione errata che “tanto è solo un farmaco da banco”? “Questa percezione errata ha un impatto molto negativo, in quanto c’è la mancata consapevolezza che un farmaco è una sostanza tossica se non viene rispettato il dosaggio consentito”. Dietro questi episodi possono esserci disagio emotivo, impulsività, richieste di aiuto silenziose? Quali segnali dovrebbero cogliere genitori, scuola e adulti di riferimento? “I motivi dietro questi episodi possono essere diversi, a volte può essere anche un approccio superficiale alla vita quotidiana, dato che – per esempio – non ci si domanda quante compresse di paracetamolo si possano assumere nell’arco di una giornata”. Informare i ragazzi sul rischio farmacologico Quanto conta oggi l’educazione farmacologica dei ragazzi? E cosa si dovrebbe fare concretamente per insegnare che anche un medicinale comune può avere effetti molto seri se usato male? “Credo che l’educazione farmacologica, come altre forme di educazione (mi viene in mente la cyber security, visto il mondo virtuale in cui siamo sommersi e i rischi dietro ai social account) non si possa ignorare e deve partire dalle scuole. Ovviamente sarebbe già sufficiente fornire dei principi di base di quelli che possono essere i rischi e i profili di sicurezza di un farmaco, per quanto innocuo possa sembrare dato che può essere acquistato senza nessun problema senza prescrizione medica. Dopotutto, come disse Paracelso, medico e filosofo del Rinascimento, la differenza tra un farmaco e un veleno è proprio la dose”.

Questo articolo è gratis. Per leggerne altri, ricevere le newsletter e avere libero accesso ai contenuti scelti dalla redazione Registrati Svolta nell’inchiesta sugli operai indiani sfruttati per costruire il nuovo Consolato statunitense a Milano: la Procura della Repubblica ha disposto il fermo per pericolo di fuga nei confronti di Ulas Demir, il manager turco coinvolto nelle indagini. L’uomo è stato fermato all’aeroporto di Orio al Serio con in tasca un biglietto aereo per Istanbul insieme alla famiglia. La decisione è stata presa dai pubblici ministeri del capoluogo lombardo, Paolo Storari e Mauro Clerici. Dopo il controllo giudiziario del 29 maggio in cui sono state riscontrate “numerose violazioni” nel cantiere – notizia pubblicata da ilFattoQuotidiano.it – Demir, intercettato, ha avuto una telefonata con un interlocutore sconosciuto, in cui – secondo i pm – è risultata “chiara la volontà di fuggire” da parte del manager turco. Ieri, infatti, l’acquisto del biglietto. Demir è stato fermato oggi allo scalo di Bergamo ed è stato portato in carcere. Nell’inchiesta della procura di Milano sono indagati Demir e la Caddell Construction Co in base alla per la responsabilità amministrativa degli enti. Da quanto ricostruito in seguito alle indagini dei carabinieri del Nucleo ispettorato del Lavoro, nel cantiere sono stati impiegati lavoratori “in condizioni di sfruttamento, approfittando del loro stato di bisogno” in una situazione di “para-schiavismo“. Lavoratori indiani reclutati dalla Dynamic House di Nuova Dehli che venivano pagati meno di tre euro l’ora. Per 10-12 ore di lavoro al giorno in cantiere, sei giorni su sette, erano pagati 1200-1500 euro, a cui dovevano togliere quasi 900 euro per pagarsi vitto e alloggio. Tutto ciò dopo aver versato persino un “pizzo” da 5mila euro nel loro Paese agli “intermediari” che gli avevano “permesso” di arrivare in Italia a lavorare, senza conoscere la lingua, firmando carte che non sapevano leggere, tra insulti, botte e minacce. Il 46enne Demir il 29 maggio, da quanto risulta all’Ansa, parlava con il suo interlocutore, secondo gli inquirenti un superiore, che gli diceva “Fra Zafer dice che se vieni per ferie sarebbe meglio”. E alla sua domanda “non sarebbero dei problemi dopo?”, gli ha risposto “ho parlato anche con Can Celik, loro dicono che così potrebbero esserci più problemi. Mi ha detto che potrebbe essere più problematico se succede nell’altro modo”, aggiungendo “quindi qual è la data più vicina in cui puoi farlo?”, “Vedi un attimo e parlane con tua moglie”.

Questo articolo è gratis. Per leggerne altri, ricevere le newsletter e avere libero accesso ai contenuti scelti dalla redazione Registrati Vincere altrove non è lo stesso che vincere al Mugello. Non per un italiano. E da Bezzecchi (primo) a Bagnaia (3°, che al Mugello ha vinto per tre anni consecutivi) il Gp d’Italia di MotoGp parla tanto tricolore. Se a ciò si aggiunge anche la doppietta Aprilia, che in casa non aveva ancora mai vinto, allora la festa assume i contorni del trionfo. Al termine del quale è stato impossibile non notare il caloroso abbraccio tra Super Bez e Kimi Antonelli, italiano attualmente primo nella classifica generale di Formula 1: “Fai paura, fai paura, mi fai gasare troppo“, gli sussurra al casco il pilota Mercedes, in vetta alla classifica di Formula 1, celebrando il primato del connazionale e amico nella classifica piloti MotoGp. Non a caso, il profilo social della MotoGp titola: “Due italiani sul tetto del mondo“. Vincere al Mugello “è incredibile, è qualcosa che sognavo da quando ero un bambino. Raggiungere questo obiettivo è fantastico. Grazie al Mugello, oggi ci siamo divertiti, siete fantastici”, dice a Marco Bezzecchi a fine gara. Una contesa a cui all’inizio pensava di poter partecipare anche Pecco Bagnaia, in testa nei primi giri per poi cedere presto a Bezzecchi e guardarsi alle spalle dal ritorno di fiamma del giapponese Ai Ogura: “Ho dato tutto per il pubblico. È stata davvero dura, perché negli ultimi giri stavo faticando tanto ad avere grip sul posteriore. Ho visto che le Aprilia stavano facendo un lavoro fantastico. Ho cercato di non lasciare spazio a Ogura. Grazie al mio team che ha fatto un gran lavoro e merita questo tipo di risultati”, ha detto a caldo Bagnaia. Tra i due italiani, c’è sempre l’Italia con l’altra Aprilia di Jorge Martin sul secondo gradino del podio: “Sono molto contento – sintetizza lo spagnolo – il team ha lavorato in modo straordinario per tutto il weekend. Ho cercato di recuperare la fiducia ma ho sofferto un po’ questo weekend. Dobbiamo continuare a lavorare, devo essere molto grato all’Aprilia per quello che ha svolto. Marco è stato impressionante oggi, congratulazioni perché vincere al Mugello per lui è speciale”, ha invece dichiarato Jorge Martin, dopo il secondo posto al Gran Premio d’Italia di MotoGp.

Andrew Fleming, your Canadian pal, is on a summer break. Here’s Wonkpal Denny Carter from theBad Faith Timesinstead! My haters, of whom there are many, can accuse me of many things: Posting too much on Bluesky, interpreting every right-wing action as a bad-faith maneuver, and hating Bears quarterback Caleb Williams. What my haters cannot deny, however, is that I can write a clickable headline. And so I have here, implying that the wretched Stephen Miller, afascist, pain-feeding ghoul without equal, inspired me with a social media comment from back in the summer, when the Trump regime was testing out its capacity for invading and occupying opposition strongholds and terrorizing those who did not vote for the Republican god-king. “Federal law is supreme and federal law will be enforced,” Miller posted on the X platform formerly known as Twitter as National Guard troops and ICE agents invaded Los Angeles mostly to make slick social media videos that have become a key part of the American Right’s social media-driven unreality. Miller was responding to LA Mayor Karen Bass calling for an end to the regime’s invasion of her city under the guise of immigration enforcement. Continuing a long Trump regime tradition of framing everything as rape, Miller added to his reply to Bass, “You have no say in this.” I recall reading this exchange last summer and fuming. Like you, the good and decent Wonkette reader, I struggle with the dark thoughts and impulses that come with seeing injustice permeate every part of our society, our culture, our politics. To see the bully run rampant against the marginalized and powerless sparks within me the kind of outrage that quickly hardens into sadness, then anger, then fury. Seeing the bully — in this case the vampiric Miller — grin and tell the mayor of LA there was nothing she could do to stop the terror Miller had brought to her city was, in a word, upsetting. But I returned to that Miller quote — “Federal law is supreme and federal law will be enforced” — when I was writing my new book,After The Great Redo(Wonkette cut link), because I think there is — or can be — utility to that approach to governing. Certainly not for weaponizing the American government to launch a terror campaign against cities that disagree with you politically, but for stopping Republican-held states from fighting real democratization in whatever comes after the Trump regime. The Great Redo,in my imagination, is two parts Reconstruction, one part New Deal. It is an all-out effort to right the wrongs of America’s failure to bring democracy to every corner of the country and to offer dignified lives for its people. Imagine that. I did, and it’s quite nice. There was a time, not too long ago, when former Confederate states — their white power structure having shown it can’t be trusted to govern itself — had to secure clearance from the federal government before making any changes to laws that would affect voting rights or access. They certainly couldn’t create explicitly Jim Crow congressional districts meant to strip power from Black Americans. These states could not be trusted to do the right thing and expand and uphold the rights of all citizens. They still can’t be trusted. That’s why the Great Redo (the speculative fiction version, anyway) includes a raft of federal laws and statutes designed to bring democracy to the states of the former Confederacy — not again, but for the first time in the country’s history. Though my book focuses on what the democratization of Texas might look like, I imagine this for every state whose elected leaders have fought for generations to remain autocracies in which power is systematically kept far away from racial and ethnic minorities. Today we watch with guarded hope as pro-democracy forces in Wisconsin emerge from the shitpipe of autocracy created by a radicalized Republican Party that used the state as a laboratory for what it would one day do to the entire country. In Wisconsin, to use one example, this can never happen again. A state is in no way abiding by democratic norms when a political party can win 55 percent of the statewide vote and remain a vast legislative minority, as Wisconsin Democrats have been for more than a decade. Republicans can’t be expected to retain power forever. When they lose — and they will lose one day — the United States government has to have the authority and willingness to enforce liberal democratic norms. Every Republican victory cannot be a generations-long setback for American democracy. And that’s where Miller’s quote enters the equation. If the US is going to re-democratize itself like Hungary is re-democratizing itself, we are going to need a pro-democracy administration that tells red states “federal law is supreme and federal law will be enforced,” maybe in slightly less fashy language. Hungary’s new pro-democracy president has pulled no punches in his administration’s desire to deliver justice to the country’s former authoritarian regime and shore up laws and institutions that might prevent a future slide into the autocratic shitpipe. When power is wrestled away from the anti-democracy American Right, there can be no hesitation in punishing those who have committed crimes against us and forcing every state in the union to abide by small-d democratic norms. They’re going to have to be reminded that federal law is supreme. This was the tragically missing ingredient in the country’s post-Civil War Reconstruction, which failed because the good guys did not have the will to beat back the enemies of freedom. All Wonkette posts are always free. Send this post to a friend. Share But enough of that. Below are some of the Bad Faith Times blogs I’ve written over the past month, including some podcasts and video content, if you’re into that sort of thing. Subscribe to Wonkette, we’re all into that sort of thing. John Roberts learned from the best that interpreting civil rights law in bad faith is the best way to undermine those laws and eventually destory them, as he’s done with the Voting Rights Act. Roberts and the Supreme Court’s far-right jurists must be colorblind if they are to advance the Right’s agenda. It’s a fun little trick. I finally weighed in on the Senate candidate that sparks a thousand Bluesky flame wars every hour: Graham Platner. I wrote about his appeal in a time of rising authoritarianism, the Left deciding it wants to win, and whether he can be trusted to fight back against a radicalized GOP that has no place in a functional democracy. We’re back to Platner, who had some interesting comments about the Supreme Court no longer operating in good faith. As the purveyor of Bad Faith Times, I am legally required to write about any prominent political figure mentioning good or bad faith. Forgive the glib headline. It does matter that right-wing judges found a loophole and killed Virginia Democrats’ perfectly legal and above-board redistricting plan. I argue that it won’t matter much for the 2026 midterms since Democrats are likely going to win most of the seats they were targeting in the redistricting plan. A blue tsunami is coming. You won’t hear about it in theNew York Times. I did yet another mea culpa about all the optimistic blogging I did in the run-up to the 2024 election. I saw no path to a Trump victory, but I didn’t realize his allies — especially Elon Musk — could algorithmically control the realities of those who opposed his hideous agenda. That’s what they call a game changer, and it could matter in 2026. The slush fund Trump wants to create for those who tried to overthrow the US government following his 2020 loss was possible thanks to a highly coordinated effort to create alternative versions of the January 6 siege of the Capitol. Without right-wing media coordinating with Republican lawmakers to make a choose-your-own adventure insurrection narrative, there would be no second Trump term. RecentNYTpolling perpetuated the lie of centrism, which is only expected of Democrats. There is only Left and Right. I argue that there is no such thing as centrism on most issues. If you can prove me wrong, please do. Giving $$$ to your Wonkette

Lenovo’s Yoga Slim 7x makes a strong case for Qualcomm’s Snapdragon X2 Elite. It’s fast, lasts forever on a charge, and doesn’t feel overpriced for what it delivers. The standard OLED screen is solid, but the 2880 x 1800 option is tempting. If your apps run well on ARM and you’re okay with a dongle or two, the Slim 7x is an easy ultraportable to recommend. Exceptional performance and battery life Strong build quality Sharp webcam Comfortable keyboard and touchpad 1920 x 1200 screen could be brighter Only USB-C ports, and no headphone jack Why you can trust Tom's HardwareOur expert reviewers spend hours testing and comparing products and services so you can choose the best for you.Find out more about how we test. The Yoga Slim 7x (starts at $1,049; $1,579 as tested) is Lenovo’s latest take on a premium ARM ultraportable, aiming to deliver standout performance and battery life with Qualcomm’s Snapdragon X2 Elite under the hood. Paired with a comfy keyboard, an OLED touch panel, and a sharp webcam, and this is a slick overall package provided you’re not reliant on x86 apps. Also prepare to pack a few adapters, as USB-C is the only port in town. Lenovo’s dark blue aluminum chassis feels premium and impressively rigid. The Slimi 7x didn’t creak or bend when I picked it up by a corner or the lid. (It’s not wise to pick up a laptop like that, but it happens.) Aesthetically, it offers an upscale, modern look though it doesn’t stand apart from the crowd outside its uncommon color. At 12.28 x 8.7 x 0.55 inches (WDH) and 2.58 pounds, the Slim 7x has a slightly larger footprint but ducks under the weight of the 13-inchMacBook Air(11.97 x 8.46 x 0.44 inches, 2.7 pounds).Dell’sXPS 14is heavier but slightly trimmer (12.19 x 8.26 x 0.58 inches, 3 pounds). Lenovo’s ownYoga Slim 7i(13.54 x 9.27 x 0.55 inches, 2.15 pounds) is slightly larger but noticeably lighter. Port selection is limited to just three USB4 ports. There’s not even a headphone jack, so be prepared to take adapters. The power button and the webcam privacy shutter e-switch are on the right edge. CPU Snapdragon X2 Elite X2E-88-100 Graphics Adreno X2-90 (integrated) Memory 32GB LPDDR5X-9523 Storage 1TB PCIe 4.0 SSD Display 14-inch, 1920 x 1200, OLED, 60 Hz, touch Networking Wi-Fi 7, Bluetooth 5.4 Ports 3x USB4 Camera 9MP IR Battery 70 WHr Power Adapter 65 W (USB-C) Operating System Windows 11 Home Dimensions (WxDxH) 12.28 x 8.7 x 0.55 inches (312 x 221 x 13.9 mm) Weight 2.58 pounds (1.17 kg) Price (as configured) $1,579 We tested the Yoga Slim 7x with its top CPU, theSnapdragon X2 EliteX2E-88-100. It features 18 cores, 6 of which are high-performance, and boosts up to 4.7 GHz on two cores. The system also features 32GB of onboard memory and a 1TB PCIe 4.0 SSD. Our comparison systems match the performance focus of this system. Apple’s13-inch MacBook Air($1,299) uses a 10-core M5, followed by two 14-inch laptops: Dell’sXPS 14($2,199) leverages a Core Ultra X7 358H while Lenovo’sYoga Slim 7i Aura Edition($1,629) uses a Core Ultra 7 355. Asus’ 16-inchZenbook A16($1,699) fills the last spot using an even higher grade of CPU than our Slim 7x – the Snapdragon X2 Elite Extreme X2E-94-100, which boasts 18 cores like the X2E-88-100 but offers a wider 192-bit (as opposed to 128-bit) memory bus for 228GB/s versus 152GB/s of bandwidth. On Geekbench 6, the Slim 7x’s single-core score (3,822 points) was practically tied ith Asus (3,807), leaving only the MacBook Air with a higher score (4,168). The Intel-based systems were left well behind. The Slim 7x also produced impressive multi-core results, though its 20,563 points weren’t in the same league as the Asus (22,733), which uses the X2 Elite Extreme. Get Tom's Hardware's best news and in-depth reviews, straight to your inbox. The Slim 7x made an excellent showing in our 25GB file transfer test, averaging 1,934.78 MBps to tie the MacBook Air (1,924.84 MBps) and land ahead of the Asus (1,744.38 MBps). The XPS 14 trailed the group (1,419.76 MBps). On Handbrake, the Slim 7x completed the 4K to 1080p video transcoding in 2 minutes and 11 seconds, just three seconds slower than the Asus and easily outgunning the others – Apple finished in 4:41 while the Slim 7i trailed at 5:56. To stress test the CPU in laptops, we run 10 loops of Cinebench 2026. The system started with a score of 5,926 but dropped to 5,168 on the second run, where it stayed within a few points for the remaining runs. During the test, the P2 cores ran at an average of 3.34 GHz while the P1 cores ran at 3.94 GHz. We run 3DMark Steel Nomad to gauge raw graphics horsepower. The Slim 7x’s Adreno X2-90 GPU scored 1,115 points, just behind the Asus (1,262) featuring the same silicon and bested Apple’s M5 integrated solution (1,005). The XPS 14, however, easily took the top spot with 1,446 points thanks to the potent Arc B390 graphics solution built into its Core Ultra X7 358H. The Slim 7i stood way in the back with just 513 points. Our Yoga Slim 7x comes with a 1920 x 1200 OLED touch panel. It offers a pleasant picture overall, but isn’t a standout due to its modest brightness – an all-white screen barely makes me want to squint in a dim room. WatchingStar Wars: Andor, the stormtroopers’ armor and blaster bolts didn’t pop with the intensity I expected. Colors, however, look rich, and space scenes show off OLED’s trademark inky blacks. The 60Hz refresh rate is par for the course. On the plus side, touch input feels smooth and responsive against the solid glass surface. Lenovo offers a 2880 x 1800 OLED panel on higher-end configurations, which offers nearly twice the HDR brightness (1,100 versus 600 nits) and a 120 Hz variable refresh rate. (This panel was featured in theYoga Slim 7i Aura Editionwe reviewed.) The OLED panel on the Slim 7x offers complete coverage of the DCI-P3 gamut, matching its stablemate, the Slim 7i. Its 321-nit peak brightness, however, isn’t impressive next to the Slim 7i’s 476 nits. Not even the IPS-equipped MacBook Air matches the latter. Lenovo nailed the Slim 7x’s keyboard. The 1.5 mm key travel provides enough movement for your fingers to clearly tell when the key has reached the top or bottom of a stroke. The keys feel springy and snap back with a satisfying sound. Keycaps are slightly scooped with an 0.3 mm dish to help orient your fingers to the center of the key. I felt immediately comfortable on this keyboard, hitting 123 words per minute with 99% accuracy in MonkeyType on the first try. White backlighting, toggled with Fn + spacebar, provides excellent visibility. Lenovo’s touchpad is also first-rate. Its matte surface is large relative to the 14-inch display. Physical clicks – this is a mechanical pad, not haptic – feel precise, require just the right amount of effort, and aren’t too loud. The Slim 7x produces decentaudio, with enough volume and fullness that you won’t regret forgetting your headphones. Clarity is a bit muffled by default, but enabling the Detailed equalizer in the Dolby Access app goes a long way towards addressing that, sharpening the soundstage. Listening to William Black’s “Bleed 4 U”, I heard good separation between vocals and instruments, though the bass drop wasn’t that satisfying due to the lack of low-end response. This followed intoStar Wars: Andorwhere explosions and footsteps didn’t quite have the impact for an immersive experience. Overall, though, two people in a quiet room can be easily entertained by this setup. Four Torx T6 screws secure the Slim 7x’s bottom cover, with the front screws (below the palm rest) shorter than the rear ones. I used a plastic trim tool to pop the clips around the perimeter, starting in the speaker cutouts. The panel still felt stuck after I did this – it turned out a foam pad in the center had some adhesive on it. A gentle lift with my fingertips finally broke it free. As Snapdragon laptops use nearly all soldered or integrated components, upgradeability is limited – here, just the M.2 2230 SSD and the battery can be changed out. Our battery rundown test sets the screen brightness at 150 nits while the system runs web browsing, streaming video, and light OpenGL tests while connected to Wi-Fi. The Slim 7x was in a class of its own, lasting 19 hours and 25 minutes. The next longest-lasting units were the Slim 7i (16:38) and the MacBook Air (15:28). The Asus lasted just 10:26 despite also using the same capacity battery as the Slim 7x. Not shown in the charts, we tested a second version of the XPS 14 without the OLED screen and with a standard Core Ultra 7 355, which ran for an even more impressive 20:41. We measure laptop surface temperatures while running our 10-loop Cinebench 2026 stress test. Peak surface temperatures on the Slim 7x were 70 degrees Fahrenheit on the touchpad, 87 F between the G and H keys, and 100 F on the underside. The laptop felt only lukewarm to the touch. I could hear the fans running, but they weren’t loud enough to We’re unable to report chip temperatures since the HWInfo tool we use to collect data doesn’t yet support precise enough monitoring on Qualcomm’s latest Snapdragon silicon. Lenovo’s 9MP webcam offers excellent video quality. The 1440p video resolution shows fine details – holding my wrist next to my face a couple feet away, I could read the rather small typeface on my Apple Watch and see the links on my necklace. Noise reduction is also superb, with no noticeable grain even in the shadows below my head. The camera furthermore works well in challenging lighting situations – it managed to expose my face properly despite a bright lamp behind me, which was also exposed properly and didn’t look like a blur. The camera includes an infrared sensor for facial logins with Windows Hello. There’s no physical privacy shutter, but a switch on the laptop’s right edge disconnects it from the laptop, an arguably more secure solution. Lenovo’s software stack starts with the familiar Vantage app. In addition to software updates, diagnostics, and support access, it features asecurityadvisor which verifies you have antivirus, a firewall, and are connected to a safe wireless network. Available system settings include a battery lifespan protector that caps the charge at 80% and power mode, with adaptive (the default), battery saver, or maximum performance toggles. The app also includes upsells for Lenovo’s Smart Lock and Smart Performance subscription services. Some unwanted software is present, including a McAfee trial. Lenovo includes a standard one-year warranty. We tested the Slim 7x with a 1920 x 1200 OLED touch display, Snapdragon X2 Elite X2E-88-100 processor, 32GB of memory, and a 1TB SSD. Its retail price was $1,579 from Best Buy, discounted from an $1,849 MSRP. Models start at $1,049 fromLenovo.comwith a Snapdragon X2 Plus X2P-42-100, 16GB of RAM, and a 1TB SSD, with a step-up $1,449 configuration offering an X2 Elite X2E-80-100 and 32GB of RAM. The range-topping $1,619 model upgrades to the X2 Elite X2E-88-100 and the 2880 x 1800 OLED display, which features a higher brightness rating and 120 Hz variable refresh rate. The Slim 7x is priced on the lower side of Snapdragon X2 Elite laptops. Best Buy had Asus’ Zenbook A16 for $1,699 with 48GB of RAM. I also saw a 14-inch HP OmniBook Ultra featuring a 3K OLED screen for $2,049. Lenovo’s Yoga Slim 7x is a compelling case for an ARM laptop. Powered by Qualcomm’s Snapdragon X2 Elite, it pushes performance and battery life to new heights among 14-inch ultraportables. Aside from its USB-C-only approach, it offers standout usability thanks to its comfortable input devices, lightweight design, and crisp webcam. While its OLED touch screen is perfectly usable, the visually discerning will find its optional 2880 x 1800 panel worthwhile. Competition is tight – Apple’s MacBook Air remains a benchmark while Dell’s XPS 14, and Lenovo’s own Slim 7i offer strong Windows alternatives. But if you’re not tied to x86 software, the Slim 7x’s mix of performance, battery life, and pricing is hard to beat. Charles Jefferies is a freelance reviewer for Tom’s Hardware US. He covers laptop and desktop PCs, especially gaming models.

Questo articolo è gratis. Per leggerne altri, ricevere le newsletter e avere libero accesso ai contenuti scelti dalla redazione Registrati Il senatore di Forza Italia, Maurizio Gasparri, ha presentato un’interrogazione al ministero del Lavoro sulla nuova serie tv del fumettista Zerocalcare, nome d’arte di Michele Reich. Al centro della richiesta alla ministra Marina Elvira Calderone, il forzista chiede che si faccia chiarezza su quanto raccontato in un articolo de Il Giornale, nel quale si fa riferimento alle lamentele per “ritmi di lavoro e trattamenti economici non accettabili” da parte di alcuni lavoratori che hanno collaborato alla miniserie “Due spicci”, trasmessa da Netflix. Nell’articolo si legge che la serie, uscita il 26 maggio scorso, ha impiegato 400 collaboratori. Raccogliendo alcune testimonianze, il quotidiano parla di paghe ridotte, fino a sei euro all’ora, e di un aumento del carico di lavoro dovuto a un maggior numero di puntate realizzate rispetto alle previsioni. “Sarebbe paradossale che una serie televisiva dedicata al contrasto dello sfruttamento del lavoro e impegnata a denunciare la precarietà, desse luogo a fenomeni analoghi a quelli che denuncia”, ha detto il senatore. Per Gasparri occorre dunque verificare che la produzione della serie “abbia rispettato i trattamenti economici e normativi previsti per questo settore”. Un’ispezione ministeriale “potrebbe fugare ogni sospetto ed evitare di pensare che per fare ‘due spicci’ in TV si siano dati due spicci a lavoratori trattati in maniera non adeguata. Non sarebbe la prima volta che qualcuno predica bene ma razzola male“. ha concluso. Il Giornale spiega di aver potuto leggere le lamentele dei collaboratori della produzione, tra cui cita un certo BG Artist che al sindacato Un!ta avrebbe denunciato l’accaduto: “Vorrei che si sapesse, che nella proposta mi avevano offerto 6 lordi all’ora, non ho accettato”. Molti altri invece avrebbero acconsentito alle paghe offerte. Un’altra segnalazione riportata nell’articolo parla di “ritmi disumani” e di essere stati “sfruttati fino all’osso“. Altri lavoratori del settore invece lamentano la situazione contrattuale perché avrebbero assunto l’incarico come partita Iva, venendo però “trattati come dipendenti”. “Il fatto più grave – si legge in un altro esposto riportato dal Il Giornale – è che il nostro reparto ha finito il lavoro prima della data prevista, ci è stato proposto di aiutare su un altro progetto. Chi non accettava vedeva il suo contratto rescisso, con decurtazione dei soldi”. Alle accuse ha risposto anche Movimenti Production, la casa di produzione indipendente della miniserie. La società ha fatto sapere di aver dato mandato ai propri avvocati per procedere per via legali, ritenendo le pubblicazioni del quotidiano “diffamatorie”. “In queste ore ci stiamo trovando davanti a un attacco inaccettabile – hanno replicato i produttori -, partito da un collettivo di persone che si celano dietro l’anonimato, attraverso la pubblicazione di una serie di accuse prive di alcuna attendibilità e che respingiamo con forza”. Movimenti Production, anche a nome del suo studio di animazione DogHead Animation, ha specificato di essersi sempre mossa per tutelare i lavoratori del settore e di non aver “mai proposto condizioni contrattuali fuori legge”, né di aver “mai posto in essere condotte di sfruttamento del lavoro”. Entrambe le società si dissociano dalle accuse e ritengono “molto grave la diffusione, anche da parte di altri profili, di attacchi basati su dichiarazioni non verificate e non verificabili, senza mai contattare direttamente l’azienda per verificare i fatti”. “Fino a oggi – concludono -, a fronte di numerose produzioni, non ci sono mai pervenute lamentele attraverso le associazioni di categoria, istituzionalmente riconosciute e alle quali ogni artista ha la possibilità di rivolgersi e con le quali continuiamo a essere in costante e aperto dialogo”.

May 31 marks the 11th anniversary ofGame of Thronesseason 5 Episode 8, "Hardhome," one of the most spectacular — and confusing — installments of the series. This showdown at the largest settlement north of the Wall was a shock at the time it aired, and it is often touted as a fan-favorite to this day. Still, "Hardhome" left some major mysteries unanswered in the show's canon, and raised some other questions about the version in George R.R. Martin'sA Song of Ice and Firenovels. All these years later, fans are still concocting theories about it. "Hardhome" primarily followsJon Snow's (Kit Harington) largest ranging beyond the Wallafter he becomes Lord Commander.He leads a force including Night's Watchmen and Free Folk northeast in the hopes of retrieving survivors of Mance Rayder's host. In the midst of the evacuation, the White Walkers descend on them, leading to one of the most chilling battles in the entire TV series. The episode is also notable for bringingTyrion(Peter Dinklage) andDaenerys(Emilia Clarke) together for the first time, and for Theon (Alfie Allen) finally revealing toSansa(Sophie Turner) that her younger brothers are still alive. It was a massive success for HBO, with overseven million viewerswatching live and six nominations at the Emmys the following year. While the clash with the Others was a feast for the eyes and captivating to the imagination, "Hardhome" left viewers with a lot of questions — whether they had read the books or not. Despite getting this up-close look at the White Walkers and their wights, we still didn't learn much about the mechanics and limitations of their powers. Meanwhile, the show didn't explain how there was such an organized settlement north of the Wall, or why the Free Folk hadn't fortified it before. Martin shed some more light on Hardhome inA Dance with Dragons, as well asThe World of Ice and Fire. Hardhome was built alongside a natural harbor where the Free Folk could trade with merchants from Westeros and Essos. The town was controlled by four Wildling "chieftains," who maintained the peace. However, in the books' continuity, Hardhome was destroyed in a mysterious, fiery disaster about 600 years before the main story got started. Fan theories about Hardhome have become particularly popular online recently, with many interesting new ideas about how and why the city was consigned to one of Old Nan's tall tales. There are compelling cases to be made about volcanic activity, caves with natural gas leaks, and conspiracies involving the maesters. Martin has clearly planted the seeds for a story here, but there's no telling if it will ever be told in books or on the screen.The Winds of Winterwill need to tell us more about the current state of Hardhome, but that's no guarantee its mysteries will be solved. "Hardhome" is one of the biggest changes between HBO'sGame of Thronesand Martin'sA Song of Ice and Fire. In the books, Jon Snow did not lead a ranging to Hardhome himself, though he desperately wanted to. Instead, he ordered the men of Eastwatch to sail north to Hardhome by sea, hopefully rescuing the Free Folk while minimizing the risk of encountering the Others. Later in the book, he received a raven from Cotter Pyke, commander of Eastwatch, who asks for reinforcements as the battle is not going well. His cryptic note warns of "Dead things in the woods" and "Dead things in the water." That line has led many fans to theorize about how the Others' powers may extend to the sea. We've seen them raise dead horses and bears as wights, so it's not unreasonable to imagine them raising dead sharks, whales, or other sea creatures to attack the Night's Watch ships. Some fans also wonder if the army of the dead itself may be able to walk across the bottom of the seafloor, since wights don't need to breath. It's possible that the wights are climbing the anchor chains and swarming over the Night's Watch ships, with no regard for how many they lose along the way. Those are just fan theories at this point, but it's clear that the line "dead things in the water" is leading somewhere. Jon Snow and his allies were betting that the White Walkers couldn't attack them at see, and one way or another, this line indicates that they were wrong. That could have far-reaching implications for the rest of the story, as the Others could move across Westeros more quickly and perhaps even venture across the Narrow Sea, depending on what powers they display here. On TV, Jon Snow and his allies narrowly escaped to sea, and the White Walkers weren't able to follow. The scene where he watched the Night King raise all of his fallen soldiers back on the shore is certainly haunting, but it also confirmed that they have no naval power. Later, that made it logical for Euron Greyjoy (Pilou Asbæk) to retreat from Westeros and hide on the Iron Islands. Euron isverydifferent in the books, and even if he could avoid this fight, he doesn't seem like the type who would want to. It seems inevitable that the events at Hardhome are setting up a major surprise for the war between the living and the dead. The persistent mysteries around "Hardhome" are part of what makes this episode so unforgettable, even 11 years after its premiere. It's also one of the earliest major departures from the books inGame of Thrones, even if many fans don't realize it. Hopefully one day, we'll be able to compare this episode withThe Winds of Winterand decide which is more terrifying. Loading recommendations... Please wait while we load personalized content recommendations

Questo articolo è gratis. Per leggerne altri, ricevere le newsletter e avere libero accesso ai contenuti scelti dalla redazione Registrati Marco Bezzecchi vince per la prima volta in carriera in Italia, sulla pista del Mugello. Il pilota dell’Aprilia ha dominato la seconda parte di gara davanti ai propri tifosi: partito dalla pole position, ha preso il largo a metà gara e da lì ha chiuso in solitaria in prima posizione. Marco Bezzecchi mette così fine a una sequenza negativa di sette gare (contando anche le Sprint) senza vittorie e torna sul gradino più alto del podio proprio davanti al proprio pubblico. “Vincere al Mugello è incredibile, è qualcosa che sognavo da quando ero un bambino. Raggiungere questo obiettivo è fantastico. Grazie al Mugello, oggi ci siamo divertiti, siete fantastici“, ha dichiarato Bezzecchi dopo il successo. Dietro di lui l’altra Aprilia di Jorge Martin. A chiudere il podio un altro italiano: Pecco Bagnaia su Ducati. Quarta posizione per l’Aprilia Trackhouse di Ai Ogura, che precede la Ducati VR46 di Fabio Di Giannantonio, vincitore dell’ultima gara a Barcellona. Segue la Ktm di Pedro Acosta, appena davanti alla Ducati di Marc Marquez, al ritorno in pista dopo la doppia operazione al piede e alla spalla. Chiudono la top ten Raul Fernandez (Aprilia Trackhouse), Fermin Aldeguer (Ducati Gresini) e Diogo Moreira (Honda Lcr). L’ordine di arrivo La classifica del mondiale

By Text and photos by Tommy Trenchard School children walk through the shallows past submerged and abandoned school buildings at the El Molo Bay primary school in Komote, Kenya. Teachers at the school say the buildings have become a breeding ground for crocodiles.Tommy Trenchard for NPRhide caption As a scorching wind tears across the barren, rocky slopes of Komote Island off the shore of Lake Turkana in northern Kenya, Alfred Lenkutuk sits in the meager shelter of his hut, gazing out over the village where he was born and remembering better times. As little as 10 years ago, the village wasn't on an island at all. But the lake has steadily expanded, swallowing homes, grazing lands, schools, roads and the burial grounds where Lenkutuk's ancestors were laid to rest. Today, the village is separated from the mainland by about 660 yards of shimmering turquoise water where fishermen paddle on homemade rafts. Growing up, the 71-year-old remembers going on regular communal hippo hunts around the lakeshore, and fishermen coming home with catches of more than 250 pounds. Now the hippos are virtually wiped out and fishermen are lucky if they come home with even 10 pounds of fish. Families have been divided by the rising waters. Children must take a boat to get to school every morning. Anyone with livestock has been forced to leave. "Now we depend on the government," says Lenkutuk, a member of the El Molo people, one of Africa's smallest and most marginalized indigenous groups, whose lives have revolved around the lake for centuries. "We're not able to support ourselves." The government sends supplies of rice and beans every few months, and recently provided the island with a reverse osmosis plant to give them access to fresh water. Lenkutuk says it's not nearly enough. Lake Turkana is the world's largest permanent desert lake, and its waters have long sustained hundreds of thousands of people in one of the most isolated and neglected parts of Kenya. But now the lake is facing multiple, concurrent threats. Rising water levels -- attributed to a combination of climatic and tectonic factors -- have displaced thousands, damaged infrastructure and services, and disrupted fishing. At the same time, persistent drought across northern Kenya has forced thousands of herders to take up fishing, putting even greater pressure on an already delicate ecosystem and fueling intense competition. A boy washes his face in the early morning amid submerged palm trees near the village of Eliye Springs on the shore of Lake Turkana in northern Kenya. Over the last few years, water levels have risen dramatically, adding extra strain to lakeside communities already struggling to make ends meet.Tommy Trenchard for NPRhide caption "We used to be able to fish all the way from here to Moitie," says Lenkutuk, referring to a town about 44 miles northwest. "There are too many people fishing now." In 2018, Lake Turkana was placed on UNESCO'sList of World Heritage in Danger.Since then, residents say, conditions have only deteriorated. In Kalokol, a major fishing community on the lake's western shore, many have now been displaced three times as the waters continue to encroach. Teenagers bathe in the floodwaters, and fishermen string their nets between submerged bushes amid the remains of flooded villages. A man deep fries fish in the fishing village of Kalokol on the shore of Lake Turkana in northern Kenya. Fish from the lake is exported as far afield as the Democratic Republic of Congo.Tommy Trenchard for NPRhide caption A few miles to the south, a lodge that was once a mainstay of Turkana's fledgling tourist industry has lost 95% of its land. Nearly all of its staff have been laid off. Its conference center, once popular with NGOs, has vanished beneath the water, and a flooded palm forest in front of the hastily rebuilt guest cottages has become a playground for children. But of all the groups affected by the changes, the El Molo, who now number barely a few hundred people, have perhaps the most to lose. An El Molo origin myth holds that their people and the lake were created together, and neither has ever existed without the other. For them, the lake is not only a source of livelihood but also a cornerstone of cultural identity. As the sun rises over Komote island, around two dozen children clad in apple-green uniforms make their way to board a boat that will take them to school on the mainland. They sit crammed tightly together, some hastily finishing the last bites of their breakfast. The 20-minute or so journey costs cash-strapped El Molo families 100 Kenyan shillings (about 75 cents) per child each way. As the boat pulls in, the children clamber over the side, wading through the shallows past abandoned, submerged school buildings. "We lost two of the girls' dormitories, the dining hall, the library, the early childhood development center, the sports field, the teachers' quarters," says John Wambisa, a geography teacher at the school who began working here in 2005. "They're all underwater." El Molo children travel to school by boat from their home on Komote Island, a new island formed by rising water levels in lake Turkana. The boat rides cost families 100 shillings per child per crossing, a huge daily expense for families already living below the poverty line. When the weather is stormy, children stay home and miss school.Tommy Trenchard for NPRhide caption The new teachers' quarters, he says, are infested with bats whose droppings have triggered a wave of respiratory problems. Flooded school buildings have become breeding grounds for crocodiles, and when the weather is rough or the boat has run out of fuel, half his students don't make it to class. The primary school also lost its fresh water after it was contaminated with lake water. In just a few years, student enrollment has dropped from over 230 to just 139. "It's affected us a lot," says Wambisa, as he heads off to teach his first class of the day. "We're trying to adjust to climate change." Lake Turkana's waters -- like those of the other lakes in Kenya's volcanic Great Rift Valley, which cuts north-south through the center of the country -- have always fluctuated as a result of tectonic shifts underground. But researchers say the current rapid rise, which began around 2018, has been exacerbated by climatic and other human-induced factors. A building is seen collapsing into the waters of Lake Turkana at a ranger station on the northeastern shore of the lake. The building stood hundreds of feet from the edge of the lake until rising water levels encroached. Around the lake, huge tracts of land have been submerged, affecting fishermen, communities, businesses and even some of the world's most important hominid fossil sites.Tommy Trenchard for NPRhide caption "It's a complex web of interactions that created this situation," saysKevin Obieroof the Kenya Marine and Fisheries Research Institute (KMFRI), who has been studying the lake since 2012. Alongside the tectonic activity, Obiero says changing weather patterns in southwestern Ethiopia are likely a significant factor, increasing inflow into the lake through the Omo river, its major tributary. He adds that a buildup of sediment -- driven by changing land-use patterns, increased erosion and disruption to rivers that feed the lake -- could be making things worse. Obiero says the decline in fishermen's catches may also be more complicated than it seems. Gauging overall trends in fish stocks is difficult because historical data is limited, he says, but recent surveys by the KMFRI and its partners suggest that the lake still holds enough fish to sustain a thriving fishing industry. The problem, he says, is that most of the best fishing grounds lie beyond the reach of the subsistence fishers living along the lakeshore. Tilapia fish are hung to dry in the fishing village of Kaolokol on the western shore of Lake Turkana in northern Kenya.Tommy Trenchard for NPRhide caption "Over half of the vessels are rafts made of doum palms," says Obiero. "Only 12% of all the vessels are motorized. Fishers don't have the capacity to reach the deeper parts of the lake, so everyone's fishing in the same areas." James Lekubo, a 36-year-old El Molo fisherman from Komote Island in lake Turkana, pulls in his nets while fishing from a traditional raft made of palm trunks. Like others throughout the lake, Lekubo says his catches have dwindled hugely in recent years.Tommy Trenchard for NPRhide caption Around the lake, the declining catches and rising waters have played out in different ways. In the northern reaches, thousands of pastoralist herders have switched to fishing after losing their livestock to drought since 2021. Fishermen say increasing competition has spurred a sharp rise in armed conflict, especially between fisherfolk from the Turkana and Dassanech ethnic groups. In a single incident in February 2025, more than 20 people were killed when rival groups clashed near the Ethiopian border. In January, 24-year-old Nyabonte Kuras was fishing on the lake when he heard engines approaching. Seconds later, he heard automatic gunfire. His cousin, standing next to him on the boat, was fatally shot in the chest. Another friend, whom Kuras had known since childhood, was hit in the leg, before leaping overboard to escape the hail of bullets. The attackers finished him off in the water. A third crew member was hit in the arm. Kuras and the only other uninjured man in the boat fled the scene while returning fire with an AK-47. "I'm not the only one -- most of us have experienced these things," says Kuras, a Dassanech father of two who has been fishing on the lake since he was a child. "When I was young there were few fishermen and there was no shooting. When the number of fishermen increased, that's what brought this conflict." Kuras says he feels trapped. In his village of just 30 homes, six people have now been killed by rivals on the lake in the past few years. To avoid the risk of attack, he no longer ventures far from land. Yet he says he's finding it increasingly hard to catch enough to make ends meet in the heavily fished waters near the shore. The El Molo village of Komote, which was until recently connected to the mainland, now sits on an island separated by a wide gulf. The community's burial grounds were submerged, along with their drinking water supplies, and families must now pay significant sums of money to have their children transported to school on the mainland by boat.Tommy Trenchard for NPRhide caption "I'm always thinking, if I catch nothing, what will I give my family?" says Kuras. Armed attack is not his only concern. Alongside those shot on the lake, five others from his village have been killed by crocodiles, he says. Kuras believes the crocodiles are attacking people more often because their primary food source –- fish –- is dwindling. The Turkana County government, however, says the apparent increase in attacks is a result of the rising lake levels, which have created huge expanses of flooded scrubland that are now hunting grounds for both people and crocodiles, frequently bringing the two into conflict. Ng'ikalei Loito, who lost her legs to a crocodile attack in August 2025, photographed at the home of a friend in Kalokol on the shores of Lake Turkana in northern Kenya. Loito was bathing near the shore when she was attacked. Rescuers found her clinging to a submerged tree. The same year, she lost her husband in a cattle raid. Persistent drought in the region has led to increased conflict over dwindling resources, both on land and on the water, while residents say the rising lake levels have led to a spike in crocodile attacks. She had been the breadwinner for her five children and large extended family, selling tea and dough balls at the lakeshore. Now, she says, she's unable to work, and worries about how she'll be able to support her family in the future.Tommy Trenchard for NPRhide caption Ng'ikalei Loito, 33, was bathing in just such an area when she was attacked by a crocodile. She clung to a nearby tree and shouted for help. By the time rescuers arrived, her legs were so badly damaged that doctors had no choice but to amputate them. Loito's experience illustrates the devastating impact of the region's colliding crises. At the time of the attack, her family was already under enormous strain, having been displaced multiple times from their home near Kalokol by the rising waters. To pay for her medical bills, the family had to sell most of their remaining cattle and goats, a bitter blow after years of drought had already decimated local herds. And in the same year she lost her legs, her husband was killed in a cattle raid, a practice fueled by drought and the growing competition over livestock and grazing land. "There's no work I can do," says Loito, who, before her accident, supported her five children with the small income she earned selling tea and donuts. "I'm just sitting around at home." For Obiero, the fisheries researcher, there's no simple solution to the lake's complex challenges. Rather, what it needs, he says, is a coordinated set of social and ecological interventions. Fishermen must be supported and trained to use new equipment and techniques that would allow them to reach richer fishing grounds, he says. Fishing villages, only 2% of which currently have electricity, must get access to power. Transport must be improved so fishermen have a cost-effective way to export their catch. Cold-storage and processing facilities should be installed around the lake. Cell phone coverage should be expanded so fishermen can communicate with buyers and call for help when needed. And access to health care and drinking water should be improved. Moitie Carmele, 35, collects water from a hole dug into a dried riverbed near the shore of lake Turkana in northern Kenya.Tommy Trenchard for NPRhide caption "We need to come up with innovative solutions to all these problems," says Obiero. "But we still believe the lake can be the backbone of these communities." Some innovations are underway. The Kenyan government's Lake Turkana Fisheries Management Plan has imposed regulations designed to protect juvenile fish and make certain breeding grounds off limits to fishing. It is also monitoring water quality and carrying out a baseline fish biomass survey. Both the government and nongovernmental organizations are involved in a series of peace-building initiatives to reduce conflict in the north of the lake. Other NGO-led initiatives, including a major project by UNESCO and the World Food Programme, are working to expand and improve market access for fishers. Some cold-storage facilities have been installed, and some fishing equipment has been provided. The UNESCO/WFP project is also using microfinance, with loans and banking services, to boost alternative livelihoods and help fishing communities diversify their sources of income. But the broader impact of these interventions has so far been limited. On Komote Island, the El Molo's problems show little sign of abating. Aside from the water plant and meager food deliveries provided by the government, and three fishing boats donated by various NGOs, Lenkutuk says the community has received little assistance. An El Molo youth stokes a fire lit as part of a traditional ritual to bring fish and rain, on Komote Island in Lake Turkana in northern Kenya. Declining fish stocks and flooding have had a huge impact on the El Molo. One of Africa's smallest ethnic groups, they number no more than a few hundred, and their way of life is entirely reliant on the lake.Tommy Trenchard for NPRhide caption Mostly, he places his hopes in divine intervention. As the light starts to fade, he lights a small fire on the shore, letting its acrid smoke drift across his beleaguered island in a ritual that he hopes will bring better fortunes for his people. He calls on God to send fish and rain, and asks that his people not be forgotten. "We'll go on until there are no fish left," says Lenkutuk. "When there's nothing left, we fear how we'll be able to survive." Tommy Trenchard is anindependent photojournalistbased in Cape Town, South Africa. He has previously contributed photos and stories to NPR on the Mozambique cyclone of 2019, Indonesian death rituals and illegal miners in abandoned South African diamond mines and won aWorld Press Photo prizefor the images in his story for NPR on clashes between elephants and people in Zambia.

Questo articolo è gratis. Per leggerne altri, ricevere le newsletter e avere libero accesso ai contenuti scelti dalla redazione Registrati L’avanzata israeliana nel Libano meridionale non si ferma e dopo 26 anni la bandiera della brigata Golani dell’esercito di Tel Aviv torna a sventolare sulla cima del castello di Beaufort. “Oggi siamo tornati in modo diverso. Siamo tornati uniti, determinati e più forti che mai” ha commentato il primo ministro Netanyahu. La presa di controllo da parte degli israeliani del sito libanese rappresenta un momento altamente simbolico, poiché la fortezza è contesa da secoli e grazie alla sua posizione è strategica dal punto di vista militare. Proprio ieri era arrivato l’appello dei funzionari dell’Unesco, che si erano detti “profondamente allarmati dagli attacchi segnalati nelle immediate vicinanze del Castello di Beaufort, provvisoriamente iscritto nella Lista di protezione rafforzata della Convenzione del 1954 per la protezione dei beni culturali in caso di conflitto armato”. La fortezza risale all’epoca delle Crociate nel XII secolo. Nota anche come Qal’at ash-Shaqif, la struttura quasi millenaria domina dall’alto le alture del Libano meridionale e questo la rende adatta all’osservazione, al controllo del territorio e alla direzione del fuoco. Oggi è considerata uno dei rari casi di fortezza medievale che conserva utilità militare anche nell’era dei missili e dei droni. Prima del 1982 il castello era usato come base militare per le forze palestinesi dell’Olp. Durante la guerra in Libano del 1982, con un assalto notturno la brigata Golani dell’esercito israeliano riuscì a occuparla. Ci rimase fino al ritiro di Israele dal Paese nella primavera del 2000, in seguito alla definizione da parte dell’Onu della cosiddetta Linea Blu. Prima di andarsene l’esercito israeliano fece esplodere delle mine in modo da renderla non più utilizzabile.

La corsa dei due giovani, durata quattro chilometri, è stata interrotta da un incidente con un'auto della polizia. Sono stati arrestati con l'accusa di tentato omicidio e resistenza. Le ragazze investite invece sono state dimesse dall'ospedale con dieci giorni di prognosi Questo articolo è gratis. Per leggerne altri, ricevere le newsletter e avere libero accesso ai contenuti scelti dalla redazione Registrati Stavano camminando sul marciapiede le due minorenni investite da un’auto in fuga dalla polizia a Ostia, a sud di Roma. Due giovani alla guida sono scappati da una volante del commissariato impegnata nei servizi di controllo per il Giro d’Italia: gli agenti hanno intimato loro l’alt perché ritenevano il mezzo sospetto. A quel punto, invece di fermarsi, il conducente ha accelerato dando inizio all’inseguimento per quattro chilometri durante il quale le due giovani sono state colpite. Entrambe sono rimaste ferite e sono state trasportate all’ospedale Grassi di Ostia: sono state dimesse con dieci giorni di prognosi. I ragazzi alla guida invece sono stati arrestati con l’accusa di tentato omicidio e resistenza. Il veicolo in fuga, un Peugeot station wagon, è stato fermato nei pressi di via Capo Sperone dopo aver provocato anche un incidente con un’auto della polizia. Quando gli agenti hanno controllato il mezzo, hanno trovato all’interno arnesi da scasso. La prima ipotesi è che avessero rubato la macchina: sono in corso gli interrogatori dei due giovani per accertare i motivi della fuga.

Questo articolo è gratis. Per leggerne altri, ricevere le newsletter e avere libero accesso ai contenuti scelti dalla redazione Registrati Se non ora, quando? Vale per Flavio Cobolli, Matteo Berrettini e Matteo Arnaldi, tutti e tre qualificati agli ottavi di finale al Roland Garros, dopo aver trionfato al terzo turno. L’eliminazione di Sinner ha “tolto” all’Italia il tennista migliore, ma ha aperto spiragli interessantissimi per gli altri tre azzurri impegnati a Parigi. Sono tutti nella parte alta di tabellone, quella “senza favoriti“: arrivare in fondo non è utopia, se si pensa che il vero candidato ad arrivarci è Felix Auger–Aliassime, che però sta faticando tanto in questi giorni. Dopo la magica giornata di sabato, Cobolli, Berrettini e Arnaldi tornano in campo tutti oggi, lunedì primo giugno. Partendo da Flavio Cobolli, che ha eliminato comodamente Learner Tien in tre set: il romano affronta Zachary Svajda, che a sorpresa ha battuto Francisco Cerundolo al terzo turno. Sarà il primo degli italiani a scendere in campo. Berrettini sfida l’altro Cerundolo, Juan Manuel, che ha eliminato Sinner in quella maledetta giornata per il numero uno al mondo. Arnaldi, invece, ha di fronte Frances Tiafoe, tennista di gran talento ma che non ha nella terra rossa la sua superficie preferita. Berrettini e Arnaldi vengono da due vittorie epiche rispettivamente contro Comesana e Collignon, entrambi al quinto set, in partite durate oltre cinque ore: la tenuta fisica quindi è un’incognita. Al netto di questi ragionamenti, però, i due Matteo se la giocano alla pari con i loro avversari. Sognando, intanto, di essere già certi oggi di avere almeno un italiano in semifinale. Berrettini e Arnaldi infatti potrebbero incrociare le loro strade, ovviamente in caso di vittoria. Roland Garros, gli italiani in campo lunedì: gli orari Flavio Cobolli-Zachary Svajda: ore 11:00 , campo Philippe-Chatrier , campo Philippe-Chatrier Matteo Berrettini-Juan Manuel Cerundolo: terzo match , campo Suzanne-Lenglen , campo Suzanne-Lenglen Matteo Arnaldi-Frances Tiafoe: quarto match, campo Suzanne-Lenglen Roland Garros, il programma completo di lunedì 1 giugno COURT PHILIPPE-CHATRIER Dalle 11:00 Flavio Cobolli-Zachary Svajda A seguire Maja Chwalinska-Diane Parry Non prima delle 15:30 Felix Auger-Aliassime-Alejandro Tabilo Non prima delle 20:15 Aryna Sabalenka-Naomi Osaka COURT SUZANNE-LENGLEN Dalle 11:00 Anastasia Potapova-Anna Kalinskaya A seguire Madison Keys-Diana Shnaider A seguire Juan Manuel Cerundolo-Matteo Berrettini A seguire Frances Tiafoe-Matteo Arnaldi Roland Garros 2026, dove vederlo in tv e streaming In Italia il Roland Garros 2026 viene trasmesso esclusivamente sui canali Eurosport, che sono visibili solo per gli abbonati alle seguenti piattaforme streaming: HBO Max, Discovery+, DAZN, TimVision e Prime Video Channels. Non è prevista una copertura tv in chiaro. L’emittente proprietario dei diritti, Warner Bros. Discovery Italia, potrebbe decidere di trasmettere in chiaro le fasi finali del torneo, in caso di presenza di italiani. Un anno fa, la finale tra Sinner e Alcaraz fu trasmessa in diretta gratis su Canale NOVE.

When a ship sends out a Mayday signal, nearby vessels have a duty to come to its aid. This is a core tenet of maritime law. But on Monday, May 18, when a group of about fifty boats in international waters started radioing out their distress calls, nobody responded. Cyprus, the country nearest and thus responsible for their safety, took no action. Soon armed individuals drew up alongside the boats, boarded, subdued the passengers, and brought them aboard prison ships, where, they later recounted, they were beaten, tased, shot with rubber bullets and pelted with stun grenades, taunted, sexually humiliated, and held in stress positions for hours on end. This fleet had crossed no invisible line, committed no act of aggression; it was passing through a part of the Mediterranean that yachts and shipping liners regularly traverse. That such violence was permitted to occur becomes plausible only once you consider that the vessels had been on the last leg of their journey toward Gaza, in the hopes of breaking Israel’s total blockade of the strip and bringing supplies to the besieged territory, and were intercepted by the Israeli navy.1In the aftermath of the attack, Itamar Ben-Gvir, Israel’s national security minister, released video footage that shows him gleefully berating the imprisoned flotilla activists andshouting“Welcome to Israel, we are the landlords!” as dozens of them are forced to prostrate themselves. As of May 22 all 430 people who were taken have been released, many testifying that they suffered or witnessed beatings and other forms of abuse. The American journalist Alex Colston, whodocumentedhis journey toward Gaza and subsequent detention for Zeteo,describeda guard methodically wrenching his metal handcuffs until he lost consciousness from the pain. There have been at leastfifteen individual allegationsof sexual assault. Over the years the “Freedom Flotilla” movement has made dozens of attempts to breach the confinement zone that isolates Palestine from the rest of the world. Huwaida Arraf, a Palestinian American lawyer who helped pioneer the tactic back in 2008, is clear that this not just a symbolic effort. “Our small boats are never going to carry the amount of aid that Palestinians need, but it’s always been calculated to challenge a blockade that’s illegal, and doing it by direct action,” she told me when we spoke on May 16. But it has a symbolic effect, too. Human rights organizations often call Gaza an open-air prison, and as with a more conventional prison, outsiders tend to assume that the horrors visited upon its inhabitants happen in some kind of parallel world incapable of touching our own. To set out to travel there by sea is to assert that Gaza lies not apart from humanity but on a not-so-distant shore in the southeastern Mediterranean, one that can be and indeed has been reached by a handful of activists sailing in a ragtag band of boats. For this is no sleek and uniform fleet: some of the crafts are very small; a few are of especiallydubious seaworthiness. Volunteers paint words and images onto the hulls and sails: Palestinian flags, children’s faces, messages of peace. The latest flotilla was planned and carried out amid a host of alarming tactical and legal escalations by Israel since the country’s official détente with Hamas last October. Israeli forces have persisted with intermittent shelling;over seven hundredPalestinians have been killed and two thousand injured since the so-called cease-fire took effect. Israel now occupies nearlytwo thirds of Gaza, and relatively few professional observers remain to give a sense of the ruinous conditions on the ground: the IDF has killed over two hundredlocal journaliststhere since October 7, 2023, often with targeted strikes, and its recentexpulsionof thirty-seven international aid organizations has made “an already intolerable situation even worse,” in the estimation of the UN human rights high commissioner. In the West Bank settlers seize land, kill and injure Palestinian villagers, and demolish their homes with increasing ferocity and abandon; the Knesset has recently moved toannexall Palestinian historical sites in the territory. Mounting, irrefutable evidence testifies to Israeli soldiers’ use of sexual violence as a weapon of war. A law recently passed by the Knesset made execution the default punishment for Palestinians convicted of terrorism. (The last person the Israeli state put to death via the judicial process was Adolf Eichmann.) Now Israel is dramatically expanding its war in Lebanon, warning the Shiite population there to leave their homes, having stated in no uncertain terms that it intends to occupy 10 percent of the country’s territory and bring the “Rafah and Beit Hanoun ​model”—the demolition of homes and creation of an ever-widening buffer zone—to bear on its northern neighbor. In a recent essay in theLondon Review of Booksabout Israel’s assassination campaigns abroad, Andrew Cockburnquotesa senior Israeli military lawyer who said, in 2009, after the ground campaign in Gaza known as Operation Cast Lead: “If you do something for long enough, the world will accept it.” In Gaza, throughout the region, and now in the Mediterranean, Israel has continued to test how openly it can violate the laws that govern the shared use of land and sea—just how widely it can deploy the Gaza model—before foreign nations and international institutions intervene. By putting their bodies at the mercy of the Israeli state, the flotilla activists are confronting those same nations and institutions with a parallel challenge, pressuring their countries to uphold the principles of international law that Israel is daring them to disregard. The Mediterranean has become a kind of stage for these two dramatically opposed efforts to shape how the genocide in Gaza will be met by the rest of the world. Advertisement * Working in the West Bank in the early 2000s, when she was in her twenties, Arraf was appalled to see that the Palestinians living there had essentially no recourse against their subjugation. “When they don’t protest, their rights continue to be violated, their land taken over, people being arrested, people having their homes demolished,” she told me. “And then when they do try to protest, they’re shot down, arrested, brutalized, et cetera, with absolutely no accountability.” Along with a few others, she founded a group called the International Solidarity Movement (ISM). “We put out this kind of Hail Mary call for internationals to come stand with Palestinians in their movement,” Arraf said. The thinking was that the presence of outside witnesses might deter violence.Instead, Israeli soldiers and settlers started killing and maiming the witnesses. After the young American ISM volunteer Rachel Corrie was crushed to death by an Israeli bulldozer and the IDF killed two other foreigners (one of whom was a journalist unaffiliated with ISM), Israel kicked international peace activists out of the Gaza Strip. (It also started requiring foreigners to “sign waivers absolving the Israeli army from any responsibility if the army shoots them,”according to Democracy Now.) Once Hamas won the 2006 Palestinian legislative elections, Israel sealed off the Strip from the rest of the world; when the group took power in Gaza from Fatah the following year, the state tightened the noose, controlling everyone and everything that went in or out. Malnutrition quickly rose, and maternal and infant healthdeteriorated. ISM watched as Israel erected this barrier. “Writing letters or protests or emails or whatnot, nothing seemed sufficient to challenge this policy that was clearly illegal, it was clearly collective punishment,” Arraf said. In August 2008 she and a few other ISM volunteers, sailing as the Free Gaza Movement, piloted two small fishing boats, loaded with little more than their passengers, some balloons, and a box of hearing aids, toward Gaza. Improbably, they succeeded—the first ships to reach Palestinian shores without going through Israel since 1967. People rushed to the port to greet them. “It was honestly one of the most beautiful moments of my life,” Arraf told me. When they left after a few days, seven volunteers stayed behind, and seven Palestinians departed in their place, including a family who had returned to visit and gotten trapped, and a boy in a wheelchair who needed a prosthetic limb. Abid Katib/Getty Images Palestinians in Gaza gathering on the shore to welcome the first two boats from the Free Gaza Movement to arrive in the Strip, Gaza City, August 23, 2008 Hard as it is to imagine today, so calcified and total is the blockade, four subsequent voyages also reached Gaza in quick succession. But after Israel launched Operation Cast Lead in December 2008, destroying more than ten thousand homes and unleashing white phosphorus on the civilian population, it altered its strategy at sea as well, ramming the boats or seizing them and capturing all aboard. Arraf and her colleagues decided to escalate, too, partnering with the Turkish Humanitarian Relief Foundation (IHH) and forming the first Freedom Flotilla: a six-boat convoy with three passenger vessels and three cargo ships carrying around 10,000 tons of supplies, led by the repurposed Istanbul ferry theMavi Marmara. Around 4:30 AM on May 31, 2010, though the flotilla remained well outside territorial waters, Israeli helicopters and warships approached. From her smaller boat, theChallenger, Arraf saw the beginning of the raid that followed—the commandos rappelling down from their helicopters onto the deck of theMavi Marmaraas its passengers tried to defend the ship by arming themselves with whatever they could (none carried guns, a matter of some dispute later on). She heard the explosion of stun grenades, and then live rounds. The Israeli soldiers aimed to kill. Cevdet Kiliçlar, a photographer from Istanbul there to document the mission, was felled by a single bullet between the eyes. Commandos shot Ibrahim Bilgen, a sixty-year-old man, with a “less-lethal” round at such close range that the beanbag penetrated his skull. The body of Furkan Doğan, a nineteen-year-old Turkish American dual citizen, was found with five bullet wounds, one to the face—the last of which was likely fired, areportby a UN fact-finding mission later determined, after Doğan had already been lying on the dock wounded for some time. The fact-finding mission’s report concluded that of the nine dead, six were killed via “extra-legal, arbitrary and summary execution.” A tenth passenger succumbed to his wounds after four years in a coma; dozens more were shot and wounded. The whole thing took forty-five to fifty minutes. Advertisement These killings provoked shock and outrage internationally, after which Israel eased its blockade somewhat. It continued to stymie subsequent flotillas, but never again with such deadly force. A pattern took shape: the ships would get within a certain number of nautical miles from Gaza and be intercepted; the passengers would be detained, roughed up, and then released and deported. The flotillas’ movements were also circumscribed by other countries: Greece and Turkey have both at various times prevented boats from leaving their ports. Over the years the flotilla effort waned, hindered by these operational challenges and lagging international attention to the crisis in Gaza. But after the October 7 attacks, as Israel radically restricted urgent humanitarian aid to the Strip and began killing aid workers at an unprecedented rate, energy returned to the movement. In 2024, while one contingent of the flotilla sailed around Europe on an educational campaign, another convoy prepared to head to Gaza with aid. It was stopped from leaving port, however, when Guinea-Bissau reversed its permission to let two of the three boats use its flags, which flotilla organizers blamed on pressure from Israeli authorities. Multiple smaller contingents managed to set sail over the spring and summer of 2025 but ended in Israeli capture before they could deliver aid. The flotilla has always been an international coproduction, involving Turks, Europeans, and both North and South Americans, but this has expanded over time. Last summer a new coalition emerged called the Global Sumud Flotilla (GSF) and quickly drew attention for its high-profile passengers, among them Greta Thunberg (who had sailed with the Freedom Flotilla Coalition earlier that summer). Logan Hollarsmith, an American living in Tucson, first joined GSF in Barcelona last fall. “I was immensely proud of him,” his mother, Sidney Hollar, told me, “and I was really nervous for him at the same time, because they had no idea what was going to happen.” What happened was that, in early October, after the boats had suffered repeated drone attacks, the Israeli navy commandeered the flotilla and brought its passengers back to Israel, where they were held for five days in Ktzi’ot, a maximum-security prison, then deported. Since then, Israel has sought to paint the flotilla activists both as hardened Hamas affiliates and as self-involved influencers more focused on getting laid than on bringing humanitarian aid to desperate Gazans. The top sponsored result when I googled “Global Sumud Flotilla” last week was an official Israeli government webpage, titled “Waves of Hate,” that purports to document the activists’ sinister ties; the country’slatest propaganda campaignhas involved branding GSF as “the condom flotilla.” At the end of 2025, GSF pledged to send another flotilla in the new year. On April 29, just three days after that flotilla embarked from Sicily, where it had stopped briefly after leaving Barcelona, the Israeli navy gave a preview of what was to come: soldiers forcibly boarded twenty-two of the flotilla’s boats and captured around 175 passengers. Most of them were ultimately deposited on a Cretan beach, but two of the flotilla’s leaders were spirited back to Israel, where they were held for a week and interrogated. A handful more were simplyset adrift. Valentina Carvajal Montero, a campaigner with Greenpeace who accompanied the flotilla on its first leg aboard the support shipArctic Sunrise, told me that when another ship had gone back to the scene of the interception, “they rescued twelve people that Israel had left in the middle of the fucking sea with no way to escape—no communication, no GPS, no nothing.” This all took place forty to ninety miles west of Crete’s westernmost point: south of the Kalamata peninsula, and significantly west of Athens. “They’ve turned the whole Mediterranean into their piracy playground, and so you don’t really know where they might decide to hit,” Arraf told me less than forty-eight hours before the final apprehension. It came between 250 and 180 nautical miles from Gaza—well outside the range long considered to be the “danger zone.” Hollar told me that Logan—who had gone to Turkey to help out and ended up captaining one of the vessels—had sent her a tongue-in-cheek warning this time around: “He texted me and he said, ‘I think we should make a plan for the second episode ofLocked Up Abroad.’” * Israel’s violence against international activists has long been facilitated by the complicity and passivity of governments in the US and Europe, as well as international institutions. The 2010 killings caused a scandal in Turkey and provoked protests across the world, but the official US response to the murder of a young American citizen was muted at best: no congressperson said anything, and the Department of Justiceintervened in courtto toss out a lawsuit filed by Arraf and the other American flotilla volunteers. Furkan Doğan’s fathertold theWall Street Journalthat he wondered how things would have gone if Doğan had been a Christian still living in the US at the time of his death. (“I know what people do there when a cat gets stuck in a tree,” he said.) When a panel of inquiry established by the UN secretary-general issued its report on the raid (a separate document from the earlier fact-finding mission’s report), it concluded that Israeli forces had used “excessive and unreasonable” force but also criticized the flotilla for acting “recklessly” and deemed Israel’s blockade legal, drawing fire from prominent voices on Palestine: at the time Arrafexcoriatedthe report for prioritizing “political compromise between Israel and Turkey” over justice for the dead. Kate Geraghty/Sydney Morning Herald/Getty Images Passengers on theMavi Marmarafleeing tear gas fired by Israeli forces during the raid on the vessel, May 31, 2010 It’s uncertain if things will be different this time around. Flotilla activists were detained, humiliated, and abused this past fall, includingseveral allegations of sexual assault, but Israeli forces meted out new levels of “extreme violence” this time, Hollar told me.“To know that our tax dollars funded this kidnapping and torture, and more importantly that it’s funding the genocide, is just appalling.” In Europe this month’s clear provocation has stirred up headlines, and some backlash: Giorgia Meloni has called the treatment of the activists “unacceptable,” and the Italian foreign minister told reporters he is in talks with his EU counterparts about the possibility of levying sanctions against Ben-Gvir. In the US, meanwhile, the abuse of the flotilla’s participants has generated little media attention and almost no public outcry. Earlier this year the Trump White House released a statement condemning the flotilla, which it deemed “pro-Hamas”; when friends and family called the US embassy in Israel to urge Hollarsmith’s swift release, according to Hollar, it was standard for their interlocutor to terminate the call by intoning that the flotilla was involved with Hamas—essentially repeating Israel’s line. “Some people said it appeared they were reading from a script,” Hollar said. On May 19, as the flotilla activists were still being held on Israeli prison ships, the US Treasury announcedsanctionsagainst Saif Abukeshek, a Spanish Palestinian flotilla leader and one of the two men who had been seized near Crete and detained just a few weeks earlier. To appreciate why Europe and the US have been so lax in defending these activists’ rights, it can be clarifying to look at the flotilla movement alongside other, related efforts to show solidarity with the dispossessed. In the thirteen years between the creation of the Freedom Flotilla and October 7, the Mediterranean became the site of another highly contested sort of crossing. The flotillas trace a similar route, in reverse, to the migrants who have come by the dozens and hundreds, in even smaller boats, seeking refuge on European shores, and who perish with regularity in the attempt. (Some of these travelers have been Palestinian, including members of the large diasporic community in Syria, displaced twice over by the civil war.) FRONTEX, the EU’s border police, and the Greek and Italian coast guards patrol, seeking to intercept these boats or push them back into Turkey’s jurisdiction—or into Libyan waters, where it will no longer be Europe’s responsibility if they are imprisoned in dungeons or sold into slavery. Faced with the absence, or aggression, of the state, ordinary citizens and NGOs charter rescue ships to try to save people from drowning. There are direct ties between the flotilla and the migrant solidarity movement. The ship that rescued the twelve activists the Israeli navy had set adrift belongs to a migrant sea rescue operation, the Spanish NGO Open Arms. Carvajal, who is Spanish, has lately devoted her time to helping secure a partial arms embargo against Israel; we first crossed paths a decade ago while both working in the Jungle, the sprawling, unofficial refugee camp in Northern France. When I asked how she had gotten from Calais to theArctic Sunrise, she said she wasn’t quite sure: “Fights touch each other… Solidarity with Palestine is something you get in every corner of the social movement here.” Hollarsmith, meanwhile, once organized with the group No More Deaths, supporting people making the treacherous journey across the US–Mexico border. Engaging in this solidarity work—whether on behalf of Palestinians in Gaza, migrants on the way to Europe, or asylum seekers crossing into the United States—has a way of stripping people of the protections normally provided by their passports or the color of their skin. In 2018 Hollarsmith was one of the No More Deaths activistsfederally chargedfor leaving water and supplies on a remote wildlife refuge, an early instance of criminal legal retaliation against migrant rights activists in the US. This sort of repression has been in effect in Europe for some time already: countries from France to Poland to Greece have prosecuted humanitarian volunteers for such crimes as “human smuggling” or “aiding and abetting illegal immigration,” including the sea rescue captainPia Klemp, whose ships have likely saved some 14,000 lives in the Mediterranean. * As the flotilla prepared to set sail earlier this year, amid the onset of the US and Israel’s war in Iran, criticism was percolating. Some Palestinians felt that the previous journey had been more focused on the activists themselves than on the genocide occurring in Gaza. In April, speaking at a Global Sumud convening in Brussels, Francesca Albanese, the UN special rapporteur on Palestine who has gained widespread recognition for her moral clarity in the face of global reprisals,saidthat “performance on its own doesn’t suffice” and mused about whether Western activists’ efforts might be better spent attempting to block arms shipments from leaving their own ports. When I asked Arraf how she could get back on one of these boats after the horror of 2010, she said, “It’s always been this stubborn refusal to let violence win.” Though her courage and sureness of purpose are remarkable, it’s not entirely clear that the flotilla has been able to make violence a losing proposition for Israel—especially when its participants’ native countries have thus far refused to back them in any meaningful sense. For Arraf this is not a reason to give up the tactic: “I always believe we are stronger than them. We just have to organize better.” The coalition has engaged in extensive discussions about whether it is acceptable to put people at risk in this way. “This is a big debate that’s been going on while we’re sailing,” Bob Suberi, a Vietnam veteran who’s joined the flotilla each year since 2023, told me. Considerable angst and dissension accompanied the first interception in late April. The movement had previously announced that this would be the biggest flotilla to date, with one hundred vessels and over a thousand participants, but just days after the capture and abduction one of the partner groups opted to withdraw its twenty boats, announcing that it would look for a way to “more directly confront Western complicity in genocide.” “There is not just one answer, because the flotilla is not a movement with one point of view,” Carvajal said. Suberi and Arraf both told me that they consider the sea voyages to be merely one tactic among many. Arraf noted that the Freedom Flotilla Coalition’s Italian branch focuses on political education and mobilizing dockworkers; outrage at the 2025 interception fueled a general strike that helped pressure Italy’s leaders to end their defense agreement with Israel. “We have to do everything,” Suberi said. For him, the obvious danger of these missions must not serve as a deterrent: “If you back down when they get more violent, they’re going to get more violent.” That violence might be less palpable to Western audiences, concealed within Gaza’s refugee camps or behind Israel’s detention center walls, but it won’t stop. Suberi’s parents, Yemeni Jews, left Mandatory Palestine for the US in 1938; Suberi grew up steeped in Zionism and only began to question it in his fifties. During the pandemic, when the flotillas were on hold, he began making trips to the West Bank with the Center for Jewish Nonviolence. He told me about his time in Umm al-Khair, a town that has become an infamous epicenter of settler violence. Since October 7 its residents have lived under a state of siege: settlers are “constantly threatening them, constantly intimidating them, constantly trying to provoke them to react so that they can kill them,” he said. Lately the IDF has taken to blocking the road to prevent schoolchildren from getting to class: “The kids would walk up to the razor wire, and the army was shooting tear gas at these primary-school-age kids.” Last summer, when an earlier flotilla was waylaid and its passengers, including Suberi and Arraf, were seized, interrogated, and released, one of their lawyers met them at the train station with a message:Someone wants to speak to you.It was Suberi’s friend Awdah, calling from Umm al-Khair to invite them to a party the villagers were throwing to celebrate their release. He said, “We’ve been following you, we’ve been following you, you have to come,” Suberi recalled. Suberi hadn’t slept or eaten in over twenty-four hours. Pleading exhaustion, he bowed out. “He argued with me, he saidNo, come tonight, come tonight,and we didn’t,” Suberi told me. “I was planning on going the next day.” The next day, Awdah wasshot and killed by an Israeli settler. The man was released within twenty-four hours. The IDF prevented foreigners from attending the funeral, but Suberi went to Umm-al-Khair anyway, staying for a month. “It’s just gotten worse since then,” he said. “I mean, all they can do is buy time.” I had a hard time getting in touch with Suberi while he was at sea; he was always on watch, or his phone battery was drained, and the seven-hour time difference didn’t help. But he would periodically send me updates: footage of his boat, theAdalah, and another vessel briefly sailing abreast as their crew chattered across the gap in Spanish; a video of a lone songbird, far from home, perched on the finger of one of the volunteers. This year, theAdalah—which was seized by the Israeli navy on May 18 and set adrift somewhere near Cyprus—bears Awdah’s image: his face lit up by a wide grin, his wavy hair contained by his signature backward baseball cap. “We have his portrait on our mainsail,” Suberi said. “And above it, it says,May your memorybe a revolution.” Piper French is a writer and reporter whose work focuses on politics, migration, and the criminal legal system.

Questo articolo è gratis. Per leggerne altri, ricevere le newsletter e avere libero accesso ai contenuti scelti dalla redazione Registrati “Vannacci rischia di essere decisivo nel voto e deve essere una preoccupazione per tutti, non solo per la destra: deve preoccupare anche il centrosinistra e tutti noi”. Così Rosy Bindi, già ministro e presidente del Pd, commenta a In altre parole (La7) l’ultimo sondaggio di Pagnoncelli, che assegna al neo-leader di Futuro Nazionale, Roberto Vannacci, un 4,8 per cento. Bindi avverte che quella percentuale suona come un campanello d’allarme per l’intero sistema politico e sta già condizionando le scelte di Giorgia Meloni: “Lei non può permettersi di perdere il voto all’estrema destra, lo sa perfettamente”. Per questo la presidente del Consiglio, nell’intervento all’assemblea annuale di Confindustria, è tornata alla ‘vecchia Meloni’: attacchi all’Europa, rievocazione di Almirante, enfasi sulla sicurezza intesa solo come repressione dei reati e non come risposta al disagio sociale. Messaggi calibrati, osserva Bindi, proprio per intercettare quell’elettorato che Vannacci sta sottraendo a Fratelli d’Italia. La ex ministra sottolinea poi le tensioni interne al centrodestra ed evidenzia il doppio binario in cui la premier è costretta a muoversi: “Meloni si trova adesso con una interlocutrice in Forza Italia che è Marina Berlusconi, la quale chiede esattamente il contrario al centrodestra chiaramente”. Ed esprime anche il suo scetticismo preoccupato per l’operazione della figlia di Berlusconi: “A me hanno sempre spaventato queste manovre centriste, perché io credo che questo nostro paese abbia bisogno di un sano bipolarismo, che dipende sicuramente dal centrodestra, ma anche dalla chiarezza con la quale il centrosinistra sarà in grado finalmente di presentarci un programma, una prospettiva e un’alternativa vera che stiamo aspettando. Temo sempre questi pasticci centristi che sono quelli nei quali si tagliano le ali estreme per fare governi tecnici o di grande larga intensa. Ma poi alle elezioni successive rivincono le estreme, magari mascherate“. La preoccupazione di Bindi non si ferma alla destra, ma riguarda anche le dinamiche interne al centrosinistra, in primis la questione Matteo Renzi. Gramellini nota che l’ex premier è dovunque nei palinsesti televisivi ed è “ormai quasi il portavoce del campo largo”. Bindi riconosce la sua bravura comunicativa ma ne sottolinea le assenze sostanziali: “Per carità, i discorsi li sa fare meglio di tutti, ma lo sapevamo già. Peccato che sui problemi essenziali sta sempre da un’altra parte. Sul referendum sulla giustizia non pervenuto, sulla politica estera non si capisce. Sulle questioni essenziali non c’è“. E ricorda con ironia il ringraziamento di Renzi a Trump “perché ci ha liberato da Maduro e Khamenei“. Infine, il monito al centrosinistra: “Quello che manca in questo campo largo, lo ripeto da molti giorni, è un’autoconvocazione per il programma. In questo paese ci sono sicuramente le intelligenze e le competenze per poter offrire in questo momento materiale ad un’alternativa a questo governo, su tutte le grandi questioni- chiosa – Ci si mette intorno a un tavolo, si lavora e successivamente si offre il materiale: l’unica cosa vera che devono fare è questa, poi verrà anche il leader. Ma gli italiani devono sapere come risolveranno i problemi dell’Italia quando andranno al governo”.

Questo articolo è gratis. Per leggerne altri, ricevere le newsletter e avere libero accesso ai contenuti scelti dalla redazione Registrati Il ministro della Difesa, Guido Crosetto, interviene sul processo di adesione dell’Ucraina nell’Unione europea e sulla polemica nata all’interno del governo, tra Lega e Forza Italia. Nei giorni scorsi, mentre a Bruxelles si continua a parlare di grandi progressi e di nuovi capitoli negoziali da aprire con Kiev, Antonio Tajani aveva aperto all’adesione del Paese di Volodymyr Zelensky, seppur precisando che “prima ci sono i Balcani“, mentre la Lega bocciava fermamente l’idea con un secco comunicato. Una discussione superflua, come già spiegato da Ilfattoquotidiano.it, dato che per l’entrata dell’Ucraina nel gruppo dei 27 persistono problemi tecnici e politici al momento insuperabili. E a dirlo, adesso, è anche il capo della Difesa ed esponente di spicco di Fratelli d’Italia in un’intervista al Corriere: “Tutti sanno, compresi i tedeschi, che (l’adesione dell’Ucraina all’Ue, ndr) è molto difficile. Non solo politicamente, ma perché se l’Ucraina entrasse in Europa, con la sua grandezza e il suo sistema economico, ci sarebbe immediatamente una crisi nel settore agricolo gravissima per molti paesi Ue che nessuno, neppure i tedeschi, può permettersi”. Non è un caso, quindi, che tra chi maggiormente si oppone, seppure sottotraccia, al processo di integrazione non ci sia solo l’Ungheria, prima di Viktor Orbán e oggi di Péter Magyar, ma anche la Polonia che proprio nei giorni scorsi ha bocciato la proposta tedesca di fare dell’Ucraina un “membro associato” dell’Ue. Il Paese, come tutti gli altri a vocazione agricola, gode di ingenti finanziamenti europei per il settore e l’entrata tra i 27 del cosiddetto Granaio d’Europa, tra l’altro in una situazione economica disastrosa a causa del conflitto ancora in corso, drenerebbe una bella fetta di quei fondi. Per questo, ogni passo in quella direzione, per Varsavia, rappresenta un rischio economico da evitare. Ma, come detto, c’è anche altro. Il grande elefante nella stanza rimane la guerra: non è previsto dai Trattati che un Paese senza un territorio e una popolazione definiti, data l’occupazione stabile della Russia della Crimea e di buona parte del Donbass, possa diventare un membro dell’Ue. Crosetto, nella sua intervista, sottolinea, non a caso, che l’annessione unilaterale dei territori orientali da parte della Federazione rappresenta un problema per la pace e, di conseguenza, anche per l’annessione: “Trump ha preso atto che la Russia non voleva la pace – ha detto – La trattativa è difficile perché la Russia ha cambiato la propria Costituzione inglobando le quattro regioni ucraine contese e ha difficoltà sia a conquistarle che a fare marcia indietro. L’Ucraina, giustamente, non è disponibile a concedere i propri territori dopo anni di resistenza da soli, con migliaia e migliaia di morti. Perché è vero che noi li abbiamo aiutati, ma a morire ci vanno loro”. E quindi, con dei territori contesi, l’adesione è praticamente possibile, anche alla luce del rischio di una ‘soluzione coreana‘, ossia senza un vero trattato di pace. La priorità, sottolinea il ministro, è quella di arrivare a una tregua che permetta al blocco pro-Ucraina di mostrarsi forte e saldo e disincentivare quindi una ripresa dello scontro da parte della Russia. Ma per far sì che questo accada c’è bisogno di un deterrente, spiega, che però non può essere l’adesione. L’alternativa “urgente”, dice, potrebbe essere quella di “organizzare un grande sistema di difesa comune europeo che vada oltre gli attuali confini Ue a 27, che comprenda Gran Bretagna, Norvegia, Balcani e anche Ucraina. D’altra parte, oggi loro hanno nettamente l’esercito più importante e forte. Non credo che a un sistema così qualcuno si potrebbe opporre perché garantirebbe tutti. Ovviamente, a tregua e pace raggiunta. Questo sì che sarebbe davvero un sistema di deterrenza efficace”. X: @GianniRosini

Questo articolo è gratis. Per leggerne altri, ricevere le newsletter e avere libero accesso ai contenuti scelti dalla redazione Registrati Un morto, 8 feriti gravi, 780 persone fermate e 7 poliziotti feriti. È questo il bilancio della notte di festeggiamenti per la vittoria del Paris Saint–Germain in Champions League, sfociati in violenti scontri soprattutto sugli Champs-Elysées e nei pressi dello stadio del club, il Parco dei Principi. A comunicarlo è la procura di Parigi. 457 quelle trattenute in stato di detenzione durante la notte, ha invece detto in un punto stampa Laurent Nuñez, ministro dell’interno francese, denunciando “un aumento del fuoco di lanciarazzi contro le forze dell’ordine”. “Abbiamo avuto alcuni raduni in un clima di festa ovunque sul territorio nazionale – ha detto il ministro – la situazione è rimasta globalmente sotto controllo nonostante qualche eccesso, regolarmente sedato dalle forze dell’ordine”. La persona deceduta, un uomo, era in moto e si sarebbe schiantato contro dei blocchi di cemento su una bretella di uscita dal Périphérique, la tangenziale di Parigi, all’altezza della Porte Maillot, non lontano dal Parco dei Principi. Un’altra persona, gravemente ferita, è ricoverata in prognosi riservata. Sette agenti sono rimasti feriti mentre alcuni tifosi hanno appiccato incendi e vandalizzato negozi, ha dichiarato Laurent Nuñez, definendo le violenze “assolutamente inaccettabili“. “Al momento – ha detto – contiamo 219 partecipanti ai festeggiamenti di ieri sera che sono feriti, 8 dei quali in modo grave. La stragrande maggioranza – ha aggiunto il ministro – è uscita di casa per festeggiare e tutto andato benissimo. Ma qualche individuo, e non si tratta di tifosi del PSG, ma è gente che neppure guarda le partite, è uscita per creare incidenti e disordini. Noi siamo qui per impedirglielo. La nostra risposta è di grande fermezza”. Un piccolo gruppo ha anche tentato di assaltare una stazione di polizia a Parigi. Nuñez ha affermato che i disordini si sono verificati in circa 15 città francesi e che degli oltre 700 fermati, più di 300 sono stati arrestati nella sola Parigi. Nonostante ciò, ha precisato che le celebrazioni previste per domenica pomeriggio al Champ de Mars, vicino alla Torre Eiffel, si sarebbero svolte come programmato. La squadra del PSG sarà poi ricevuta dal presidente francese Emmanuel Macron all’Eliseo. Sono circa 100mila le persone attese, mentre il club annuncia fra 85mila e 90mila tifosi. Secondo quanto riferisce la stampa locale, i festeggiamenti inizieranno alle 14 davanti alla Torre Eiffel, mentre la squadra del Psg dovrebbe atterrare verso le 15 all’aeroporto di Roissy, per poi recarsi a Champ-de-Mars. La serata proseguirà poi al Parc des Princes fra tifosi e giocatori a partire dalle 19:30. I tifosi hanno iniziato a festeggiare a Parigi subito dopo il fischio finale della partita disputata sabato sera a Budapest, dove il Paris Saint-Germain ha conquistato il trofeo battendo l’Arsenal ai calci di rigore al termine di una finale molto combattuta. I sostenitori hanno sfilato lungo i viali attorno all’Arco di Trionfo, accendendo fumogeni e suonando i clacson delle auto. Circa 20mila le persone che si sono radunate sugli Champs-Élysées, dove la polizia ha cercato di contenere la folla. La prefettura di polizia di Parigi ha riferito che gruppi più piccoli hanno causato disordini in diverse zone della città, vandalizzando negozi e appiccando incendi. Diverse automobili sono state date alle fiamme. Le persone che hanno tentato di assaltare una stazione di polizia nell’VIII arrondissement sono state disperse dalle forze dell’ordine. Nel maggio dello scorso anno, in seguito al primo titolo del PSG, 201 persone rimasero ferite nella capitale francese e la polizia effettuò oltre 500 arresti in tutta la Francia.

Questo articolo è gratis. Per leggerne altri, ricevere le newsletter e avere libero accesso ai contenuti scelti dalla redazione Registrati Era alla guida dell’auto, intorno alle 2 di notte lungo la provinciale 80 a Orta Nova, nel Foggiano. Un minorenne, con a bordo altri quattro ragazzini tra i 14 e i 16 anni, ha visto il posto di blocco di una pattuglia dei carabinieri: ha accelerato e da lì è nato l’inseguimento. Poi l’incidente, che è costato la vita ad Andrea Procaccino, 16enne seduto sul sedile posteriore dietro al lato guida. A settembre sarebbe stato il suo 17esimo compleanno. Da quanto si apprende la macchina, una Renault Megane station wagon con targa polacca, è uscita di strada dopo aver percorso diversi chilometri all’uscita di Orta Nova per fuggire al controllo delle forze dell’ordine e si è schiantata contro il guard-rail ribaltandosi su un lato. Secondo il racconto dei carabinieri, il ragazzino alla guida ha imboccato una curva a velocità elevata, sbandando senza alcun contatto con la pattuglia che si trovava a circa 30 metri dalla macchina dei giovani. Secondo quanto trapela, proprio in prossimità della curva l’auto dei militari avrebbe ulteriormente ridotto la velocità perché in quella zona, in passato, si sono verificati altri incidenti stradali. È quindi escluso che vi sia stato alcun contatto tra le due vetture. La Renault Megane guidata dal 16enne non risulta rubata, ma all’interno non sono stati trovati documenti di proprietà. Quattro minori sono stati portati in ospedale, tre sono stati subito dimessi a Cerignola mentre il quarto è in attesa di prognosi a Foggia. Come riporta il Corriere della Sera, i ragazzi a bordo sono originari di Orta Nova, quattro italiani e un ucraino. Sul posto sono accorsi i soccorritori del 118, l’elisoccorso, i vigili del fuoco e le forze dell’ordine: hanno lavorato tutti insieme per estrarre i ragazzi dall’abitacolo deformato e mettere in sicurezza l’area. A causa dello schianto particolarmente violento però per il 16enne non c’è stato nulla fare. Procaccino frequentava l’Istituto di Istruzione Superiore Adriano Olivetti e uno dei suoi insegnanti, Alfredo Coppola, lo ha ricordato con un messaggio commosso sui social: “È una di quelle mazzate che ti distruggono dentro, di quelle notizie che non vorresti mai ricevere. La tragedia di stanotte ha spezzato le gambe e il cuore a tutti noi – ha commentato il docente -. Un mio alunno, un ragazzo d’oro che aveva ancora tutto da vivere. Andrea era davvero un pezzo di pane. Aveva una simpatia pazzesca, contagiosa, era sempre con il sorriso stampato in faccia. Era l’amico di tutti, impossibile non volergli bene”. “Questa mattina Orta Nova si è svegliata con una notizia che ci lascia sgomenti e profondamente addolorati“, ha detto il sindaco del Comune del Foggiano, Domenico Di Vito. “Davanti a una tragedia così grande, ogni parola sembra insufficiente – continua il sindaco -. La perdita di una vita così giovane rappresenta una ferita profonda che colpisce l’intera comunità ortese. In queste ore il nostro pensiero va anche agli altri ragazzi coinvolti nell’incidente, ai quali auguriamo una pronta e completa guarigione. Mentre attendiamo che le autorità competenti accertino con precisione la dinamica dei fatti, sentiamo il dovere di fermarci a riflettere. Questa vicenda richiama tutti noi, istituzioni, famiglie, scuola e società civile, a una responsabilità educativa ancora più forte nei confronti delle nuove generazioni”, ha concluso.

Questo articolo è gratis. Per leggerne altri, ricevere le newsletter e avere libero accesso ai contenuti scelti dalla redazione Registrati “Se sono felice che Conte sia andato via? Per me sì, non doveva restare“. Senza giri di parole, diretto. Kevin De Bruyne distrugge Antonio Conte, che si è separato dal Napoli proprio pochi giorni fa. Il centrocampista belga ha parlato dell’ormai suo ex allenatore al quotidiano belga Het Nieuwsblad, proseguendo: “Se io rimango? Ho ancora un anno di contratto, ma voglio avere un colloquio. L’anno scorso sono state dette certe cose, tipo ‘Giocheremo in un certo modo, faremo questo e quello’, ma poi poco di tutto questo si è concretizzato, e questo chiaramente dispiace. Credo sia importante avere un confronto sul modo di giocare, quest’anno ho capito che il modo di giocare per me conta molto”, ha proseguito De Bruyne, criticando l’atteggiamento del suo allenatore nel corso dell’anno. Conte e De Bruyne in realtà non si sono mai presi realmente. I primi segnali erano arrivati quando in Manchester City–Napoli, in Champions League, l’allenatore pugliese lo sostituì nel primo tempo dopo l’espulsione di Di Lorenzo, con De Bruyne che non sembrò prenderla benissimo, ma anche in Milan-Napoli, nella gara d’andata in campionato: “Adattarsi al gioco di Conte per me è stato complicato perché Conte ha una visione del calcio molto diversa dalla mia – ha proseguito il belga – Non ho praticamente mai avuto l’opportunità di giocare nel ruolo che preferisco. Nonostante questo, ho sempre dato tutto per la squadra”. Alla base della lamentela di De Bruyne c’è il modulo e lo stile di gioco di Conte, che predilige un calcio aggressivo, votato alle ripartenze e con diversi uomini dietro la linea della palla. “Giocavamo in maniera molto difensiva. Se cerchi di vincere ogni partita con un solo gol di scarto con un 5-4-1, proponi un certo tipo di calcio. All’inizio della stagione giocavamo addirittura molto arretrati. Il nostro capocannoniere ha segnato dieci gol…”, ha concluso De Bruyne. Adesso arriva Massimiliano Allegri, che storicamente non propone un calcio più offensivo di Conte, anzi. L’ex Milan però vuole spesso puntare su giocatori d’esperienza e da un punto di vista motivazionale riesce sempre o quasi a crearci un legame. Modric al Milan ne è l’esempio. Da capire però adesso quale sarà il futuro di De Bruyne, che ha ancora un altro anno di contratto.