Porti & ambiente — le notizie raccolte

byMac Slavo|May 7, 2026| An evangelical preacher out of Tennessee, Perry Stone, claimed on a podcast that government...

This 1950 American Coach Homecrest 26 is a single-axle travel trailer that was purchased by the seller in 2021, and subsequent work involved replacing the axle, wheels, and electric brakes in addition to stripping the interior to the frame, adding flooring reinforcements, and refinishing the exterior in blue and white. The living quarters have been outfitted with woodgrain flooring, birch plywood, and oak cabinets, and the floor plan features a forward lounge, a service bar, a kitchenette, a bathroom, and a rear bedroom. Appliances include a microwave, a four-burner range, and a refrigerator/freezer, while the bathroom has a hand-held shower and a toilet. A Furrion entertainment system, a bedroom-mounted TV, and a queen-size mattress are also fitted along withPEX plumbing, 40-gallon tanks for fresh and black water, LED lighting, a shore power connection, a forced-air furnace, and a roof-mounted air conditioner. This Homecrest 26 travel trailer is now offered by the seller with a collection of accessories, manuals, two entry stools, refurbishment photos, and a clean Idaho title in the seller’s name. Work following the seller’s acquisition involved repairing the galvanized metal body panels, resealing seams, and repainting the exterior in a blue and white combination. The twin side doors were also refurbished, and the window frames were powder-coated and fitted with replacement glass. The exterior is equipped with a roof-mounted air conditioner and a separate vent fan. Imperfections are shown up close in the gallery below. A propane tank and a battery are secured to the tongue, which is also equipped with a manual jack and an Eaz-Lift sway control hitch. The trailer features a shore power connection and is equipped with a forced-air furnace as well as 40-gallon tanks for fresh and black water that include electric level indicators. The chassis rides on a leaf-sprung single axle with electric drum brakes and a brake controller. The axle, wheels, tires, and brakes were replaced during the work. Birch plywood panels, woodgrain vinyl flooring, and oak cabinets were installed. A sofa trimmed in teal fabric is located in the front lounge, which is also outfitted with a floor rug, a table, 110-volt outlets, a Furrion entertainment system, and a service bar. Coat hooks are mounted next to the front door, mid-century-style curtains cover the windows, and overhead LED lights and PEX plumbing are installed throughout the trailer. The galley houses upper and lower custom cabinetry with laminate countertops and a stainless-steel two-basin sink. Appliances include a black refrigerator with a top-mount freezer, a four-burner range, an oven, a range fan, and a microwave. The bedroom is located at the rear of the trailer and can be accessed via its own entrance door. The queen-size mattress rests atop an elevated platform with integrated storage and 110-volt outlets. A flat-screen television is mounted above the foot of the bed, and the area also features side and rear windows, overhead cabinets, and a roof-mounted ventilation fan. The adjacent bathroom has a sink, a toilet, and a walk-in shower with a handheld shower wand. Additional photos in the gallery depict the condition of the underside. A selection of photos taken during the refurbishment is presented at the end of the gallery. The winning bid does not include shipping. It is the buyer's responsibility to arrange the details of any shipping or delivery, and to pay any taxes, duties, or charges associated with shipping or delivery.View our third-party shipper recommendations. We need to confirm your billing address in order to appropriately charge fees and taxes should you win an auction. Please provide your billing address below. Congratulations! You're the high bidder. Your bid has been posted in the comment flow on the listing, and you can see other bids there as they happen. Good luck! Please confirm if the following details are aligned with your current contact information. If not, pleaseupdate your profile. Bidding will advance immediately to $. The BaT Service Fee is 5% of the bid, with a minimum of $250 up to a maximum of $7,500.VAT on Service Fee is charged in USD If you win the auction, your card will be charged for the service fee and you pay the seller directly for the vehicle. If you don't win, your existing pre-authorization will be released. When you bid we pre-authorize your credit card for the service fee(this helps prevent fraud). If you win the auction, your card will be charged for the service fee and you pay the seller directly for the vehicle. If you don't win, the pre-authorization will be released. *Exchange Rates You are bidding for this item in USD. This means, if you have the winning bid, you will need to make your payment to the seller in USD. It is your responsibility to check the conversion rate, and you should also note that exchange rates may fluctuate between now and the due date of your payment after the end of the auction. Taxation If you are the highest bidder, you will also need to pay the seller any applicable taxes/VAT. Your bid may not be inclusive of these amounts. Relevant details are included in the listing, so please ensure you have read and understood this information before placing your bid. Note that, if you will need to import the vehicle to your country, you may be responsible for import-related taxes. For more info,read about our auctionsoremail uswith any questions. By clicking on “Place a Bid” below, I acknowledge that theright to cancelservice will not apply once the bid has been placed, as the service will be provided immediately and agree to Bring a Trailer’sTerms of Use. Your bid of $is $more that the current high bid of $. Are you sure you want to proceed?

Welcome toFrom the Politics Desk, a daily newsletter that brings you the NBC News Politics team’s latest reporting and analysis from the White House, Capitol Hill and the campaign trail. Subscribe to read this story ad-free Get unlimited access to ad-free articles and exclusive content. In today’s edition, Jonathan Allen explores how Kamala Harris is navigating the controversy around Democrats’ buried 2024 postmortem ahead of a possible 2028 bid. Plus, Jane C. Timm reports on the latest state to pass a new congressional map. Sign up to receive this newsletter in your inbox every weekday here. — Adam Wollner Kamala Harrisisn’t exactly demanding that the Democratic National Committee air the dirty laundry from her failed 2024 presidential campaign. But it makes sense that the former vice president is telling allies that she thinks an autopsy commissioned by DNC ChairmanKen Martinshould be released publicly — conversationsfirst reported by NBC Newstoday. Some Democrats are up in arms over Martin’s decisionto keep the findings under wrapsafter he promised to make them public, and there has been plenty of speculation among Harris’ critics that he is suppressing the postmortem to protect her. But protect her from what? By now, everyone interested in politics knows what Harris did right and wrong as a candidate. Her role was largely public. She was the one who rallied Democrats at their convention and performed well on a debate stage against PresidentDonald Trump. She’s written a book about her campaign, as have others. The oxen left to be gored are the political professionals — on her campaign, at the DNC, in the Biden White House and at Future Forward, the main super PAC supporting the Democratic effort — who made decisions that contributed to the defeat. After all, Harris took over the 2024 plane midflight, with a captain and crew picked by PresidentJoe Bidenbefore he withdrew from the race. Critics of Harris have suggested that a big reveal would be that her position in support of Israel, which was consistent with the administration she served in, hurt her in key swing states. But that has been well established by now. And, for what it’s worth, it’s not clear that withholding their votes or casting ballots for Trump has put pro-Palestinian voters in a better place. What’s more clear is that Harris risked taking never-ending hits from Democratic activists if she remained silent on the autopsy or called for it to be suppressed. At the same time, there’s no reason for her to antagonize the DNC as she considers another run for the presidency. So, she’s let her position be known without shouting it from the rooftops. It remains to be seen how Martin will handle the building pressure to open the books. But for Harris, the time for looking backward should be over. The question for her in 2028 is whether she’ll be more prepared to answer questions like what she would do differently this time and what her presidency would mean for Americans’ bank accounts. Tennessee’s Republican-led Legislature passed a new congressional map splitting up the state’s lone majority-Black district, swiftly responding to the U.S. Supreme Court’s major redistricting ruling last week. The redrawn map puts Republicans in position to gain a seat in this fall’s midterm elections and secure full control over Tennessee’s congressional delegation. The new map carves up a Memphis-based seat held by longtime Rep.Steve Cohen, D-Tenn., into three districts, spreading the Democratic voters into more rural, Republican districts that stretch hundreds of miles east. It also further splits the Nashville metropolitan area, the state’s other Democratic stronghold, into five districts. Gov. Bill Lee moved quickly to call lawmakers into a special session this week to take up a new map proposal ahead of Tennessee’s Aug. 6 primaries. The big picture:Tennessee will become the ninth state to enact a new congressional map ahead of the midterms, an unusually active mid-decade redistricting cycle that first started last year when PresidentDonald Trumpurged Republican-led states to redraw their lines to shore up the party’s narrow House majority. Republicans could pick up as many as 14 seats as a result of the campaign, compared to upwards of 10 for Democrats, though several maps are still facing litigation. [map] A seismic Supreme Court ruling last week that effectively eliminated racial gerrymandering protections from the Voting Rights Act (more on that below) has supercharged the trend.LouisianaandAlabamaRepublicans are laying the groundwork to redraw their maps, whileSouth Carolinalawmakers are debating whether to do the same. The three states have five majority-minority districts represented by Democrats between them. Read more → 🗺️ Related read:Indiana Republicans who lost their jobs after bucking Trump on redistricting have ‘zero regrets’ In a ruling just seven years ago, at least some conservative Supreme Court justices appeared to view partisan gerrymandering as a societal problem that the court was ill-suited to solve. But in a momentous decision last week, the court found that attempts by lawmakers to further entrench their own party’s power are a legitimate use of government power. Keep reading → ⚖️ Related read:Chief Justice John Roberts says American public wrongly views the justices as ‘political actors’ That’s all From the Politics Desk for now. Today’s newsletter was compiled by Adam Wollner. If you have feedback — likes or dislikes — email us atpoliticsnewsletter@nbcuni.com And if you’re a fan, please share with everyone and anyone. They can sign uphere.

TRIESTE – Assarmatori torna a premere sull’Unione europea per una revisione del sistema ETS applicato al trasporto marittimo. Da Bruxelles, al termine della missione annuale del Consiglio direttivo dell’associazione, il presidente Stefano Messina ha lanciato un duro attacco contro l’attuale impostazione della tassa europea sulle emissioni. Secondo Messina, gli effetti economici dell’ETS sui segmenti più esposti del trasporto marittimo sarebbero ormai comparabili a quelli provocati dalle grandi crisi internazionali, come i rincari energetici legati alle tensioni nello Stretto di Hormuz. La differenza, ha sottolineato, è che l’emergenza geopolitica è temporanea, mentre il sistema ETS rappresenta una pressione strutturale destinata a incidere in modo permanente sulla competitività del settore. Nel mirino dell’associazione armatoriale finiscono soprattutto i collegamenti con le isole, le Autostrade del Mare e il transhipment container, considerati comparti particolarmente vulnerabili all’aumento dei costi. Messina definisce l’ETS una tassazione “ingiusta perché non selettiva”, applicata senza distinguere tra le diverse tipologie di traffico e servizi marittimi. Assarmatori guarda con attenzione anche alla futura Strategia europea per le isole, seguita dal vicepresidente esecutivo della Commissione europea Raffaele Fitto. Durante l’incontro a Palazzo Berlaymont, l’associazione ha ribadito la necessità di tutelare i collegamenti marittimi essenziali verso le isole, ritenendo che una tassazione climatica troppo elevata rischi di compromettere gli equilibri economici del settore senza generare un ritorno diretto in investimenti per la transizione energetica dello shipping. Il presidente di Assarmatori ha inoltre criticato quello che definisce un atteggiamento “inflessibile” della tecnocrazia europea, chiedendo che la revisione prevista per luglio introduca correttivi concreti per evitare una perdita di competitività dell’industria marittima europea. La missione a Bruxelles ha incluso anche incontri con funzionari della DG MOVE e della DG CLIMA dedicati all’applicazione del regime ETS, oltre a confronti con europarlamentari italiani e rappresentanti delle istituzioni europee e della sicurezza marittima internazionale. Tra gli appuntamenti, anche un vertice con il Servizio Europeo per l’Azione Esterna e collegamenti con le missioni navali europee Aspides e Atalanta.

Fans of Royal Caribbean, Celebrity Cruises and Silversea Cruises now have a faster way to earn cruise rewards and the flexibility to redeem points across the three sister cruise brands with theRoyal ONE™ Visa Signature® credit card. While the card does not sync with the loyalty programs of these cruise lines, it does let cruise aficionados earn points on both cruise and everyday purchases with no annual fee. Cardholders receive special perks, such as priority boarding, and can redeem points for cruise discounts and onboard credit. The Royal ONE Visa Signature can be a good option for devoted Royal Caribbean fans focused on cruise vacation savings, but a more flexible rewards card has the potential to offer greater value. Card rating*:⭐⭐⭐ *Card ratingis based on the opinion of TPG's editors and is not influenced by the card issuer. Royal Caribbean Group is getting rid of its individually branded credit cards in favor of two new tri-branded cards, including theRoyal ONE Visa Signature. This card is targeted at cruise fans who predominantly book sailings onRoyal Caribbean,SilverseaandCelebrity Cruises. It offers the flexibility to earn and redeem points across all three cruise lines. The Royal ONE Visa Signature credit card hasno annual fee. Cardholders who spend $2,000 with the card in the first 90 days after account opening will earn a welcome bonus of 45,000 points. Cardholders can earn extra points on both cruise and non-cruise purchases. You'll earn 3 points per dollar spent on Royal Caribbean, Celebrity Cruises and Silversea purchases, and 2 points per dollar spent on gas, grocery and EV charging purchases. All other purchases earn 1 point per dollar spent. By signing up, you will receive newsletters and promotional content and agree to ourTerms of Useand acknowledge the data practices in ourPrivacy Policy. You may unsubscribe at any time. You can redeem points across the three Royal Caribbean Group brands for cruise discounts and onboard credit (money added to your shipboard account to pay for vacation expenses such as specialty dining, beverage packages, Wi-Fi and shore excursions). One point equals one cent, and the minimum redemption is 5,000 points (equal to a $50 discount or credit). Points cannot be used to pay for taxes, fees or gratuities. Additional perks include a $100 cruise discount, credited to your account on your account opening anniversary, if you spend $10,000 or more with the card in the previous year. Cardholders can also access priority boarding on embarkation day in a special cardholder line (not available on all cruise departures). This card makes the most sense for frequent cruisers who are loyal to Royal — especially if they spend a lot on board. TheRoyal ONE Visa Signature'sbenefits are fairly straightforward for Royal Caribbean cruise fans. The most obvious perk of the Royal ONE Visa Signature is that you get all the benefits with no annual fee. In addition, the 45,000-point welcome bonus is higher than the typical welcome bonus on the old Royal Caribbean Visa Signature credit card (no longer available), which was often around 30,000 points. However, you do need to spend more ($2,000 vs. $1,000) to earn it. The information for the Royal Caribbean Visa Signature credit card has been collected independently by The Points Guy. The card details on this page have not been reviewed or provided by the card issuer. Compared to the previous Royal Caribbean and Celebrity Cruises Visa Signature® credit cards, the Royal ONE Visa Signature offers more ways to earn extra points. Whereas the previous cards earned 2 points per dollar spent on cruise purchases and 1 point per dollar on everything else, the current card offers 3 points per dollar on Royal Caribbean Group purchasesand2 points per dollar on groceries, gas and EV charging. All other purchases continue to earn 1 point per dollar. The information for the Celebrity Cruises Visa has been collected independently by The Points Guy. The card details on this page have not been reviewed or provided by the card issuer. Note that you can earn 3 points per dollar when you book a cruise, on pre-cruise purchases through the cruise line (such as shore excursion reservations or drink packages) and onboard expenses. If you book your cruise through a travel agent or another independent seller, you'll need to make sure the transaction codes as a Royal Caribbean purchase to receive the additional points. Also, unlike previous cards, there is no limit to the number of points you can earn each year. Points never expire, so you can save up for a big discount on your next cruise. Previously, Celebrity Cruises and Royal Caribbean offered individual cobranded credit cards, even though you could redeem points across both lines on each card. The new Royal ONE card simplifies things for fans of all three by offering a single credit card that serves Royal Caribbean, Celebrity and Silversea. When you redeem points for Royal ONE Rewards, you can access discounts and onboard credit on any of the three cruise lines. That means you can earn points when booking a Royal Caribbean cruise, but redeem the points for a discount on a Silversea sailing or onboard credit on a Celebrity cruise. Plus, the additional perks of a $100 anniversary discount (after spending $10,000 annually on the card) and priority boarding (where applicable) apply across the three brands and offer extra value. In addition to cruise-related perks, Royal ONE Visa Signature cardholders earn typical Bank of America protections, such as a $0 liability guarantee for fraudulent charges, extended warranty protection and overdraft protection. Travel protections include a car rental collision damage waiver, basic trip insurance, travel and emergency assistance services, lost luggage reimbursement and Roadside Dispatch. Cardholders have access to theVisa Signature® Concierge, who can assist with travel and dining reservations, gift and floral delivery and other lifestyle requests. They can also receive special rates on Visa Signature® Luxury Hotel Collection bookings. Related:Should you get a cruise line credit card? Here's a closer look TheRoyal ONE Visa Signature cardis straightforward when it comes to earning and redeeming points. You'll earn points for purchases at the following rates: Cruise loyalists who already hold Royal Caribbean and Celebrity credit cards will have their existing points balances transferred to their new Royal ONE account at the same value. You can redeem points for discounts on Royal Caribbean brand cruises or onboard credit (which functions as a credit on your onboard account). One point is equivalent to one cent, and the minimum redemption is 5,000 points for $50 in credit or a $50 discount on your cruise purchase. You can redeem points through the relevant Royal Caribbean Group cruise line's website or app, or by calling the line's reservations call center. You could save up points to cover your entire cruise fare (for example, you'd need 100,000 points to get a $1,000 cruise for free). But frequent cruisers might find it makes more sense to pay for the cruise fare with their Royal ONE Visa Signature and then use the earned points to pay for shore excursions, onboard credit to buy drinks, spa treatments and souvenirs. That way, they are not sitting on points and can get rewards more quickly. For example, if you paid $5,000 for a cruise, you would earn 15,000 points, which would equal $150 you could apply to expenses during your cruise. Even on luxury cruise line Silversea, which includes alcoholic and nonalcoholic drinks, onboard gratuities and Wi-Fi in its base rates, you still need to pay extra for certain dining experiences, premium liquors, spa treatments, shore excursions and boutique purchases. You can redeem points for onboard credit to treat yourself to these extras. The most important thing for cruise fans to know about theRoyal ONE Visa Signatureis that it does not sync with the cruise lines' loyalty programs (Royal Caribbean Crown & Anchor Society,Celebrity Cruises Captain's ClubandSilversea Cruises Venetian Society). Unlike withairline cardsorhotel cards,where credit card earnings can provide a faster path to higher-tier loyalty status, your Royal ONE points earnings will not impact your loyalty status on board. In addition, suite guests and certain top-tier loyalty program members already receive expedited boarding, so that credit card perk is not as valuable for them. The credit card perks and redemption options are fairly limited, compared toflexible currency cardsand even certain airline and hotel cards. You cannot transfer Royal ONE Rewards points to airline or hotel currencies or use them to book other types of travel. Finally, the fixed value of points at 1 cent each is not as valuable as travelers might get with a more flexible rewards card. Royal Caribbean loyalists looking for a more premium card can also consider theRoyal ONE Plus™ Visa Signature® credit card. The Royal ONE Plus offers additional benefits, but also comes with an annual fee of $99. The premium card offers additional earning opportunities: The anniversary cruise discount is greater: $200 annually after $20,000 annual spend on the card. Perks include priority boarding through the suite entrance (vs. a dedicated Royal ONE line), priority luggage delivery and up to a $120 statement credit forGlobal Entry or TSA PreCheckapplications every four years. The annual fee is low enough, especially since it will be partially offset by the Known Traveler Program statement credit, that the Royal ONE Plus Visa Signature makes more sense for the dedicated Royal Caribbean cruiser. It has the potential for much greater earnings and the travel perks are better than the standard Royal ONE Visa. However, cruise travelers who don't expect to spend $20,000 on the card or who use other cards for hotel and airline purchases might not fully maximize the premium card's benefits. They'll get more value from the no-annual-fee card. Diehard Royal Caribbean, Celebrity and Silversea cruise fans who mainly drive to cruise home ports and don't book many flights and hotels could get value out of theRoyal ONE Visa Signatureby consolidating their spending on this card. If your travel expenses only extend to Royal Caribbean Group brand cruises, you'll benefit from the cruise discounts. However, if a cruise is just one part of your travel plans, other travel rewards cards can get you better value than 1 cent per point on flight and hotel bookings. You'd be better off paying for cruises with these cards and stretching your points further with redemptions on pre-cruise air and hotel (or non-cruise vacations). Related:What are points and miles worth? TPG's monthly valuations For a limited time, you'll receive a welcome bonus of 45,000 bonus points when you spend $2,000 with yourRoyal ONE Visa Signaturewithin 90 days of opening an account. Those points are redeemable for $450 in cruise discounts or onboard credit across the three Royal Caribbean Group brands. Royal Caribbean fans who currently hold the Royal Caribbean or Celebrity Cruises Visa card will be automatically switched to a Royal ONE Visa Signature. You can expect to receive a new card starting June 2026, and your current card will continue to work until your new card arrives. However, existing cardholders will not be eligible for thewelcome bonus. Cruise aficionados, even if they're committed to the Royal Caribbean brands, will likely find better value from their card spending with a flexible rewards card or a cash back card. Here are some alternatives. For additional options, see our full lists of thebest cash-backandgeneral travel rewardscredit cards. The information for the American Express Green Card has been collected independently by The Points Guy. The card details on this page have not been reviewed or provided by the card issuer. Related:The best credit cards for booking cruises Royal Caribbean fans might be thrilled that its three brands have now teamed up for a one-card-fits-all option with earning and redeeming options across Royal Caribbean, Celebrity and Silversea. But compared to other flexible rewards and cash-back cards, the earning and redemption options are limited and the redemption value low. While diehard cruise aficionados can certainly earn meaningful discounts on their cruise vacations with this card, they will likely get more earning power from a more flexible credit card. Apply here:Royal ONE Visa Signature

MILWAUKEE,May 7, 2026/PRNewswire/ -- At WEC Energy Group's (NYSE:WEC) annual meeting of stockholders today, Scott Lauber, president and CEO, highlighted another strong year on virtually every meaningful measure — from customer satisfaction, to financial performance, to steady execution of the company's capital plan. He also emphasized how the company is supporting business growth and progress in the region with a focus on safe and reliable energy to millions of customers across the Midwest. The 2026 annual meeting marked the end of Gale Klappa's tenure on WEC Energy Group's board of directors. Consistent with its stated plans, the board appointed Lauber chairman of the board upon Klappa's retirement. "Gale's vision, dedication and leadership have been key to bringing us to the strong position we are in today," Lauber said. "Our company and our community are better today because of Gale's contributions. In recognition of all of his accomplishments, the board has given Gale the honorary title of Chairman Emeritus following today's meeting. This is the first time this honor has been bestowed on anyone in the company's more than 125 year history." Company highlights Stockholder actions During the meeting, stockholders elected the following directors to terms expiring at the 2027 annual meeting: Warner L. Baxter, Ave M. Bie, Danny L. Cunningham, William M. Farrow III, Cristina A. Garcia-Thomas, Maria C. Green, Thomas K. Lane, John D. Lange, Scott J. Lauber, Ulice Payne Jr., Mary Ellen Stanek and Glen E. Tellock. As recommended by the board of directors, stockholders also voted to: The board's proposed amendments to the company's Restated Articles of Incorporation and Bylaws to eliminate supermajority voting requirements, did not receive the required stockholder vote for approval. An advisory proposal to support simple majority vote also did not receive the required stockholder vote for approval. WEC Energy Group (NYSE:WEC), based in Milwaukee, is one of the nation's premier energy companies, serving 4.8 million customers in Wisconsin, Illinois, Michigan and Minnesota. The company's principal utilities are We Energies, Wisconsin Public Service, Peoples Gas, North Shore Gas, Michigan Gas Utilities, Minnesota Energy Resources and Upper Michigan Energy Resources.Another major subsidiary, We Power, designs, builds and owns electric generating plants. In addition, WEC Infrastructure LLC owns a fleet of renewable generation facilities in states ranging from South Dakota to Texas. WEC Energy Group (wecenergygroup.com) is a Fortune 500 company and a component of the S&P 500. The company has approximately 32,000 stockholders of record, 7,000 employees and more than $51 billion of assets. Forward-looking statements Certain statements contained in this press release are "forward-looking statements" within the meaning of Section 27A of the Securities Act of 1933 and Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934. These statements are based upon management's current expectations and are subject to risks and uncertainties that could cause our actual results to differ materially from those contemplated in the statements. Readers are cautioned not to place undue reliance on these statements. Forward-looking statements include, among other things, statements concerning management's expectations and projections regarding earnings, earnings growth rates, dividend payments and future results. In some cases, forward-looking statements may be identified by reference to a future period or periods or by the use of forward-looking terminology such as "anticipates," "believes," "estimates," "expects," "forecasts," "guidance," "intends," "may," "objectives," "plans," "possible," "potential," "projects," "should," "targets," "will" or similar terms or variations of these terms. Factors that could cause actual results to differ materially from those contemplated in any forward-looking statements include, but are not limited to: general economic conditions, including business and competitive conditions in the company's service territories; timing, resolution and impact of rate cases and other regulatory decisions, including rider reconciliations; the company's ability to continue to successfully integrate the operations of its subsidiaries; availability of the company's generating facilities and/or distribution systems; unanticipated changes in fuel and purchased power costs; key personnel changes; unusual, varying or severe weather conditions; continued industry restructuring and consolidation; continued advances in, and adoption of, new technologies that produce power or reduce power consumption; energy and environmental conservation efforts; electrification initiatives, mandates and other efforts to reduce the use of natural gas; the company's ability to successfully acquire and/or dispose of assets and projects and to execute on its capital plan, including projects related to serving data centers and other large-scale customers; terrorist, physical or cyber-security threats or attacks and data security breaches; construction risks; labor disruptions; equity and bond market fluctuations; changes in the company's and its subsidiaries' ability to access the capital markets; changes in tax legislation or our ability to use certain tax benefits and carryforwards; changes in and uncertainty around federal, state, and local legislation and regulation, including changes in rate-setting policies or procedures and environmental standards, in the enforcement of these laws and regulations and in the interpretation of regulations or permit conditions by regulatory agencies; supply chain disruptions; inflation; political or geopolitical developments impacting the global economy, supply chain and fuel prices generally, including as a result of changes to government trade policies, geopolitical tensions between the U.S. and other countries, the war in Iran, or other new, protracted or escalating regional or international conflicts; the impact from any health crises, including epidemics and pandemics; current and future litigation and regulatory investigations, proceedings or inquiries; the ability of the Company to successfully and/or timely adopt new technologies, including artificial intelligence; changes in accounting standards; the financial performance of the American Transmission Company as well as projects in which the company's energy infrastructure business invests; the ability of the company to obtain additional generating capacity at competitive prices; goodwill and its possible impairment; and other factors described under the heading "Factors Affecting Results, Liquidity and Capital Resources" in Management's Discussion and Analysis of Financial Condition and Results of Operations and under the headings "Cautionary Statement Regarding Forward-Looking Information" and "Risk Factors" contained in the company's Form 10-K for the year ended Dec. 31, 2025, and in subsequent reports filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission. Except as may be required by law, the company expressly disclaims any obligation to publicly update or revise any forward-looking information. SOURCE WEC Energy Group

Il rumore si sarebbe sentito a chilometri di distanza. L'agenzia di stampa Fars News, affiliata al Corpo delle Guardie Rivoluzionarie Islamiche, ha riferito che i residenti di Bandar Abbas, nel sud dell'Iran, hanno udito diversi rumori simili a esplosioni nei pressi della città portuale, aggiungendo che la fonte e l'esatta ubicazione rimangono sconosciute. Lo riporta Iran International. Il nuovo attacco ricorda un altro episodio, quando una colonna di fumo nero e arancione, larga abbastanza da diventare il simbolo istantaneo di una crisi nazionale. Nel sud dell’Iran, a Bandar Abbas, l’esplosione che ha devastato il porto di Shahid Rajaee non è stata soltanto un grave incidente industriale. È stata la detonazione di una fragilità più profonda: quella di un’infrastruttura cruciale, inserita in uno dei punti nevralgici del commercio mondiale, improvvisamente trasformata in un paesaggio di lamiere contorte, uffici scoperchiati e soccorsi disperati. Il primo bilancio diffuso dai media iraniani parlava di centinaia di feriti e di un numero di vittime in rapido aumento. Nelle 48 ore successive, mentre i vigili del fuoco cercavano ancora di domare i focolai e impedire che le fiamme raggiungessero altre aree del porto, il conto è diventato sempre più pesante: almeno 70 morti e oltre 1.200 feriti. Le immagini trasmesse dai canali ufficiali mostravano edifici con porte divelte, carte trascinate ovunque dall’onda d’urto, auto distrutte e una nube tossica che si alzava sopra il principale scalo container del Paese. Dove è avvenuta l’esplosione e perché questo porto conta così tanto Per capire la portata dell’accaduto bisogna partire dalla geografia. Bandar Abbas si affaccia sullo Stretto di Hormuz, uno dei passaggi marittimi più sensibili del pianeta. Da questo stretto transita circa un quarto del commercio mondiale di petrolio via mare, oltre a volumi rilevanti di gas naturale liquefatto e altri prodotti strategici. Un incidente grave in quest’area, anche quando non blocca il traffico internazionale, accende inevitabilmente l’attenzione dei mercati, delle compagnie di navigazione e delle cancellerie. Il porto di Shahid Rajaee non è un terminale secondario. È il fulcro della logistica marittima del Paese: gestisce la quota dominante del traffico container nazionale, più della metà di parte delle movimentazioni commerciali portuali iraniane e una fetta decisiva delle merci in transito. In altre parole, non si tratta soltanto di un porto importante: è uno degli ingranaggi principali attraverso cui l’Iran importa, esporta e redistribuisce beni. Per questo il disastro ha avuto fin da subito una doppia dimensione. Da un lato quella umana, devastante. Dall’altro quella economica e strategica. Nelle ore successive all’esplosione, una parte consistente delle attività del porto è stata sospesa o rallentata, con ripercussioni immediate sulla catena logistica iraniana. Le prime ipotesi: materiali chimici, stoccaggio pericoloso, errore umano Nelle prime ore successive alla deflagrazione, la versione più battuta dalle agenzie è stata quella di un’esplosione probabilmente legata a materiali chimici. Il disastro potrebbe essere stato causato dall’esplosione di sostanze chimiche presenti nell’area portuale, mentre un funzionario locale citato da media iraniani aveva inizialmente parlato anche di una possibile fuga di gas, ipotesi poi rimasta sullo sfondo rispetto alla pista dei container e del carico pericoloso. Con il passare delle ore è emerso un altro elemento importante: l’epicentro della deflagrazione sarebbe stato in una struttura riconducibile a Sina, società legata a un complesso di fondazioni e interessi economici analizzato da Associated Press. L’agenzia statunitense ha sottolineato che il sito in cui si sarebbe concentrato l’innesco risulterebbe, in ultima istanza, collegato a una fondazione caritativa sotto la supervisione dell’ufficio della Guida Suprema Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Restano però le zone d’ombra. Il Ministero della Difesa iraniano ha negato che nell’area interessata vi fossero carichi militari importati o esportati. In assenza di una relazione tecnica pubblica, completa e indipendente, la formulazione più corretta resta dunque prudente: il quadro disponibile suggerisce il coinvolgimento di merci pericolose o sostanze chimiche, ma la natura esatta del materiale che ha innescato o alimentato la catena di esplosioni non è stata chiarita in modo definitivo e universalmente verificabile. Il fattore più inquietante: l’esplosione poteva essere evitata? È forse questa la domanda più pesante. Perché, al netto della causa immediata, molte ricostruzioni successive hanno puntato l’attenzione su problemi più strutturali: congestione dei container, standard di sicurezza non adeguati, stoccaggio di materiali ad alto rischio in aree sensibili e capacità di controllo non all’altezza di un’infrastruttura così strategica. Una lettura del genere non trasforma automaticamente il disastro in un caso di negligenza accertata, ma sposta il focus dal “cosa è esploso” al “perché era possibile che esplodesse lì”.

Due vertici istituzionali si sono svolti questa mattina presso la Sala operativa della Protezione civile del Palazzo di Governo di Napoli, convocati dal prefetto Michele di Bari, per fare il punto sulle criticità legate al bradisismo nell’area dei Campi Flegrei. Al centro degli incontri, da un lato le problematiche infrastrutturali del porto di Pozzuoli e, dall’altro, il monitoraggio degli accumuli di anidride carbonica rilevati all’Istituto Petronio. APPROFONDIMENTI Paura al porto di Pozzuoli: 78enne investito da un camion agli imbarchi per le isole Pozzuoli, catena si sgancia dalla gru, 2 operai feriti: uno è grave Pozzuoli, operaio grave dopo incidente sul lavoro. La mamma: «Vi prego, salvatelo» Nel corso della prima riunione, dedicata al porto di Pozzuoli, hanno partecipato il Commissario straordinario di Governo per l’attuazione degli interventi pubblici nell’area dei Campi Flegrei, il sindaco di Pozzuoli, il direttore generale per la Mobilità della Regione Campania, il direttore generale della Protezione civile regionale e il comandante della Capitaneria di Porto di Pozzuoli. Gas, eolico e fotovoltaico: la sfida delle rinnovabili con il patto pubblico-privato L’incontro è servito ad aggiornare lo stato delle opere relative all’installazione del pontone galleggiante, intervento ritenuto strategico per migliorare le operazioni di imbarco e sbarco di passeggeri e veicoli diretti verso le isole del Golfo. I lavori erano stati sospesi dopo il grave incidente sul lavoro avvenuto lo scorso 25 marzo. La Regione Campania ha riferito che, a seguito del dissequestro temporaneo dell’area interessata, è in corso la messa in sicurezza dell’opera e delle attrezzature di cantiere, passaggio necessario per consentire la ripresa e il completamento dei lavori. L’installazione del pontone dovrebbe contribuire a ridurre le criticità registrate nei giorni del ponte del Primo Maggio, quando il sovraffollamento in banchina aveva creato notevoli disagi ai viaggiatori. Una situazione che, secondo quanto emerso nel corso del vertice, sarà ulteriormente alleggerita dall’incremento delle corse marittime previsto per l’imminente stagione estiva. Il Commissario straordinario ha assicurato la massima attenzione della struttura commissariale, in stretto raccordo con la Regione Campania, per accelerare le procedure di messa in sicurezza e concludere rapidamente l’intervento. Terremoto di magnitudo 1.9 ai Campi Flegrei: lieve scossa nella notte a Pozzuoli Successivamente, sempre presso il Palazzo di Governo, si è tenuto un secondo incontro dedicato al monitoraggio degli accumuli anomali di CO₂ rilevati all’interno dell’Istituto Petronio di Pozzuoli, fenomeno anch’esso collegato all’attività bradisismica in corso nell’area flegrea. Alla riunione hanno preso parte il sindaco di Pozzuoli, il direttore della Protezione civile della Regione Campania, la direttrice dell’INGV, il dirigente del comparto edifici scolastici della Città Metropolitana di Napoli, il referente sanitario regionale, il comandante dei Vigili del Fuoco e le Forze di Polizia. Nel corso dell’incontro è stato deciso di proseguire le attività di monitoraggio all’interno dell’istituto scolastico da parte dei Vigili del Fuoco, con il supporto del personale specializzato dell’INGV. Per rafforzare il sistema di controllo, l’Istituto nazionale di geofisica e vulcanologia installerà una nuova stazione fissa di rilevamento all’esterno della scuola, mentre la Città Metropolitana di Napoli, proprietaria dell’edificio, provvederà all’installazione di ulteriori centraline automatiche per il rilevamento dei gas e di sistemi di ventilazione meccanica dei locali interni. Campi Flegrei, il bollettino conferma rallentamento della deformazione del suolo Al termine delle riunioni, il prefetto Michele di Bari ha espresso apprezzamento per il lavoro svolto dai Vigili del Fuoco nelle attività di monitoraggio e per l’impegno assicurato dall’INGV, dalla Città Metropolitana e da tutti gli enti coinvolti nel sistema di protezione civile per fronteggiare le criticità connesse al fenomeno bradisismico nei Campi Flegrei.

Sign up forExecutive Dysfunction, a newsletter that highlights one under-the-radar story each week about how Trump is changing the law—or how the law is pushing back. You’ll also receive updates on the latest from Slate’s Jurisprudence team. While John Lewis was beaten in Selma, while Freedom Riders died registering voters in Mississippi, and while President Lyndon Johnson muscled the Voting Rights Act through Congress, the boy who would grow up to eviscerate it rode bikes through tree-lined streets steps from the shore and was cosseted in private schools in a town built for white residents only. Now that Chief Justice John Roberts has completed his decadeslong effort to undo the most successful civil rights legislation in American history, a simple question remains: Why? Is he a racist? What would lead a privileged graduate of Harvard College and Harvard Law School to dedicate so much of his life’s work to rolling back the victories of the Civil Rights Movement? Maybe it’s as simple as this: Roberts was raised in the 1960s amid lily-white affluence in a tiny Indiana beach town where property deeds long forbade selling homes to Black or Jewish people. As a kid, he spent little time around Black people. From childhood to adulthood, he never lived anywhere, or close to anyone, who compelled him to feel empathy for the reality that experiencing freedom, like voting, wasn’t as easy for some Americans as it was for him. The chief justice has seemingly worn blinders for life. Roberts was also a determined striver. For him, an education was always about getting the best job. This combination of isolation and ambition appears to have made him ready to embrace a trendy revanchist argument in early 1970s Republican circles: Any effort to combat racial discrimination wasitselfracial discrimination. The rising legal right wing battled civil rights by conjuring, and defending, a colorblind, race-neutral Constitution despite the country’s continuing struggle against anti-Black racism. It posited an America that never existed in place of the one that does. Back in the late 1970s and early ’80s, when this idea was nothing but the sound of calculated white resentment, a well-off young man willing to embrace such a grievance could find the doors of power swinging open wide. Thanks to Roberts, this benighted nonsense is now the law of the land. Any effort to understand Roberts’ dangerous combination of doggedness and blithe indifference must begin in ritzy Long Beach, Indiana, a wealthy enclave on the shores of Lake Michigan, home to some of the Chicago area’s wealthiest executives. His father, who helped manage the new Burns Harbor plant for Bethlehem Steel, chose to move his family half an hour northeast along the dunes rather than west where more Black Midwesterners lived. Deep into the 20thcentury, Long Beach advertised itself as a vacationland within a “highly restricted home community” where “all residents are Caucasian gentiles.” During his 2005 confirmation hearings to become chief justice, Roberts described an idyllic heartland childhood lifted from a John Cougar Mellencamp song, all “endless fields” that were “punctuated by an isolated silo or a barn.” That was the same day Roberts unveiled another bit of brilliant PR, claiming that he would be a humble judge, comparing the job with that of a baseball umpire. A young man from Indiana could really go places if he appeared right out of central casting and could rebrand colorblind racism as just calling balls and strikes. Maybe Roberts glimpsed farmland from the back seat on a drive to his exclusive prep school, but he wouldn’t have seen a barn or a John Deere combine next door to his parents’ lovely five-bedroom mock-Tudor home. There were no silos at La Lumiere, the private Catholic high school Roberts attended, an enclave within an enclave, located on a former lakefront estate. That institution was established in the early 1960s, just after the U.S. Supreme Court, under Chief Justice Earl Warren, began insisting on the enforcement of the desegregation mandate ofBrown v. Board. There would be no Black students at La Lumiere until 1970, just three years before Roberts graduated. “No one ever called me the N-word,” one Black alum, Paris Barclay (a classmate of Roberts’ who went on to direct the TV seriesSons of Anarchy),toldthe Los Angeles Times. “They were a little too sophisticated for that.” While the nation tore itself apart over civil rights and Vietnam, Roberts studied Latin and played football in a high school class of 20, working special summer jobs at Bethlehem reserved for the sons of executives that paid between $12 and $16 an hour, the equivalent of $88 to $117 an hour today. Then, at Harvard, he seemed to sidestep the debates overRoe v. Wade—although the Harvard Law Review on which Roberts worked included an article about Philip Kurland’sthen-outlier claimthat Richard Nixon should have been immune from prosecution for the crimes of Watergate, another position Roberts would make the law of the land when given the chance in response to the degradations of another criminal president five decades later. Some fellow students knew Roberts’ politics but insisted that he didn’t engage in debates about these momentous battles. “He really was very good at being thoughtful and careful and not particularly conspicuous,” said Laurence Tribe, who taught Roberts constitutional law at Harvard. “He was very lawyerly, even as a law student.” This was the moment, however, when right-wing legal circles hit upon a way to translate white resentment over affirmative action in higher education and against the landmark Voting Rights Act—little more than a decade old—into a more genteel critique over the fairness of special preferences for anyone. This strategy embraced the words of Justice John Marshall Harlan’s famous dissent inPlessy v. Ferguson—“The law takes man as man and has no regard for his color”—but twisted those words to produce the opposite result. In courtrooms, this played out in the form of trying to block consideration of the racial effects of a policy rather than focusing solely on proving an invidious racist intent. And by forcing advocates to prove something much harder—to see into a person’s heart rather than the real-life results of an action or law—the right-wing legal movement worked to apply the brakes to meaningful redress of policies that discriminated against Black people. These efforts were prominent during Roberts’ years at Harvard. In 1976, during the summer of his college graduation, the Supreme Court, helmed by Nixon appointee Warren Burger, found inWashington v. Davisthat D.C.’s police officer test—which measured standards of little relevance to the job but which was failed by Black applicants at a higher rate than white applicants—was perfectly constitutional and race-neutral. Then, in 1978, while Roberts was in law school, in a 5–4 decision inRegents of the University of California v. Bakke, the Burger court narrowly approved affirmative action in college admissions by shifting it from an effort to help the historically disadvantaged gain some measure of redress and justice to one designed to improve white institutions through the introduction of racial diversity. Tribe said that these issues “no doubt were very much in the air” when Roberts was at Harvard Law. Yet he says he still struggles to understand how Roberts could confuse the difference from using race to segregate with using it to integrate. “I only wish I had a plausible explanation,” he said. Soon after law school, Roberts took a prestigious job at the Supreme Court, working for the most right-wing justice there: William Rehnquist, who would later be appointed chief justice. Between 1958 and 1964, Rehnquist had led a brigade of white Arizona Republicans in a project called Operation Eagle Eye, which used “voter caging” tactics to harass and intimidate minority voters at the polls. But as a Nixon appointee to the nation’s highest court, Rehnquist had changed his tactics and gussied up his once explicit racism in the fancy new duds of colorblindness, the same approach he had advised Barry Goldwater to take to justify voting against the Civil Rights Act of 1964 during his failed presidential campaign. Rehnquist’s chambers, Ari Berman noted, “functioned as a federalist society before there was a Federalist Society,” as the justice and his clerks hammered out “states’ rights” positions that were proxies for defending racist policies. “Rehnquist reinforced John’s preexisting philosophies,” said Paul Smith, now a prominent liberal Supreme Court litigator who clerked that same year for Justice Lewis Powell. “John was not a believer in the courts giving rights to minorities and the downtrodden.” Roberts leveraged the connections from his clerkship into a job in President Ronald Reagan’s Department of Justice, submitting his application on Supreme Court letterhead and dropping Rehnquist’s name as a reference. Rehnquist himself called Ken Starr, the new chief of staff for the new attorney general, to help get Roberts hired as a special assistant to the AG. At the DOJ, Roberts would join a young crew of future master litigators, justices, and movement builders inside the Reagan administration, including Starr—who would later be the special prosecutor of Democratic President Bill Clinton—and Samuel Alito, who would later join Roberts on the Supreme Court. Roberts, scarcely beyond his mid-20s, having never lived anywhere other than Indiana, Cambridge, and his fancy summer jobs, was handed the voting rights portfolio, even though he had zero experience working on voting rights issues. He had staged for a justice hostile to Black voting, who had joined an opinion of the Burger court limiting the reach of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act to intent—a ruling Congress was working to undo as Roberts was clerking across First Street for Rehnquist. That was the battle Roberts was tasked to staff and helm for the right-wing Republicans: the war over questions of “intent” vs. “effect” during the 1980–82 congressional effort to reauthorize the act. Congress was determined to overturn the court’s ruling in that case,Mobile v. Bolden, which had struck a severe blow to the Carter administration’s ability to enforce the VRA. By blocking the use of racially disparate effects of election changes and requiring proof of racist intent, the decision had shut down virtually all VRA enforcement. This was hardly colorblind or race-neutral. It devastated the act. The new DOJ brigade wanted it to stay that way. Civil rights activists, Democrats, and some moderate Republicans aimed to make it clear that Congress supported the effects test as proof of VRA violations. Roberts, according to his friend and DOJ colleague Bruce Fein, led the way. He fought determinedly for months but lost decisively in Congress. Ultimately, Reagan signed a reauthorized VRA, overturningBoldenby embracing the effects test for Section 2 and extending the legislation’s preclearance requirements in Sections 4 and 5 to 2007. The act would be reauthorized again by Congress, nearly unanimously and a year early, in 2006 for another 25 years, through the early 2030s. But Roberts played the long game. He never yielded. And in the meantime, with substantial investment by “conservative” and libertarian demi-billionaires and billionaires, leaders in the right-wing legal movement realized that they could achieve their goals more easily by capturing the Supreme Court than by winning public opinion and controlling Congress. By 2005–06, Roberts and Alito were seated on the highest court in the land. And slowly, this blinkered insistence on a colorblind Constitution—in defiance of an America that was anything but colorblind and over anti-Black racism—would take hold. In 2007, after Louisville and Seattle worked to voluntarily desegregate public schools, for example, Roberts said no, effectively rewriting decades of equal protection law in the process. “The way to stop discrimination on the basis of race,” he declared in a simplistic tautology, “is to stop discriminating on the basis of race.” Then, in 2013, he would take his first crack at the Voting Rights Act, freezing the Section 5 preclearance formula and snuffing out its most important enforcement mechanism. Here, Roberts discarded the nearly unanimous work of Congress anchoring it to his personal declaration of racial progress and simply refused to engage with a more-than-12,000-page report that detailed a litany of modern-day voting rights abuses that would dilute or inhibit Black voters. The federal judge who wrote the lower-court decision inShelby Countysummarized example after example in his decision, reeling off stories of canceled elections, precincts shifted at the last moment, voting halls relocated to buildings that had been the sites of racial violence. Judge David Tatel did this, he said, because he had no faith that Roberts would read the congressional report himself or know any of this otherwise. Tatel is legally blind and seemingly feared that the justice would act with factual blindness. He was horribly, sadly, right. Roberts, instead, pushed his own theories—and created his own supposed doctrine—even over the basic facts with which the case began.Shelby Countystarted when white officials in Calera, Alabama, redistricted the only Black council member’s seat without bothering to preclear the map. The Bush Department of Justice used Section 5 to require a new election on the constitutionality map. Yet Roberts looked at this situation and saw not that Section 5 continued to work, but that things had changed sufficiently that it was no longer needed. The justice bent the law to meet his will, even though the Supreme Court is supposed to defer to the factual findings of lower-court judges unless those findings are clearly erroneous. Now, with the edict inCallais, the Republican appointees to the Roberts court have effectively won the fight that Roberts decisively lost in 1982, scribbling over Section 2 to install the intent test that Congress after Congress brushed aside. And just as the days afterShelby Countymade Roberts’ folly clear—when states rushed to enact new barriers to the ballot box as soon as they were freed from preclearance—Louisiana, Alabama, Tennessee, and other legislatures are currently rushing to draw new maps that erase minority-majority districts and replace them with lines favoring white Republicans. As those GOP legislators ripped up Black districts, and the Roberts court’s hyperpartisan ruling faces a growing backlash, Roberts now has the audacity to give speeches claiming that it is wrong to view justices as “political actors.” The young man who grew up in a town made safe for whites only, who attended an almost entirely white private high school, has helped birth an illegitimate ruling that will significantly bleach out Congress. And the young man who learned the power of race neutrality in part from a Supreme Court justice who personally tried to intimidate Black voters has helped dress this faux–intellectual theory into legalese that has destroyed the legislation that had finally brought the promise of a thriving multiracial democracy into view, with growing representation of Black Americans. Back in 2005, when Roberts rhapsodized about Indiana farmland and an endless horizon punctuated only by silos and barns, he was substituting a humble, real-life Midwest upbringing for his own. This mythic America is not where he actually grew up, but the whites-only town with the whites-only country club he golfed at is where his vision seems to still begin andend. Sign up for Slate’s legal newsletter.

Tennessee’s Republican-led Legislature passed anew congressional mapdividing up the state’s lone majority-Black district, swiftly responding to the U.S. Supreme Court’s major redistricting ruling last week. Subscribe to read this story ad-free Get unlimited access to ad-free articles and exclusive content. The redrawn district lines, which Gov. Bill Lee signed into law, put Republicans in position to gain a seat in this fall’s midterm elections and secure full control over Tennessee’s congressional delegation. The new map carves up a Memphis-based seat held by longtime Rep. Steve Cohen, D-Tenn., into three districts, spreading the Democratic voters into more rural, Republican districts that stretch hundreds of miles east. It further divides the Nashville metropolitan area, the state’s other Democratic stronghold, into five districts. The long districts run across Tennessee’s distinct geographic regions and tie voters from different media markets and time zones together to achieve the desired partisan impact. Lee moved quickly tocall lawmakers into a special sessionthis week to take up a new map proposal ahead of Tennessee’s Aug. 6 primaries. The state House passed the map without any Republican speaking in defense of it. When one member rose to speak, members of the public watching the proceedings from the gallery began chanting and yelling so loudly that the House speaker called the vote as Democratic members stood and walked out on the session. “This is not a special session. This is a white-power rally and a white-power grab,” said Democratic state Rep. Gloria Johnson, who represents Knoxville. “Vote yes — you’re telling everyone you’re racist.” As the state Senate discussed the map, protesters chanting outside the chamber could be heard. “Tennessee is a conservative state,” said state Sen. John Stevens, a Republican who sponsored the bill. “Its congressional delegation should reflect that.” Stevens said the maps were drawn to elect more Republicans using census data, which Democrats questioned, noting the census does not include partisan data. Sen. Raumesh Akbari, a Memphis Democrat and the caucus’ minority leader, urged her colleagues to vote against the map. “When you had an opportunity to do right, did you beat people back on Edmund Pettus Bridge?” she said in a floor speech. “When you had an opportunity to do right, did you vote to make sure that those Black folks in Memphis who believe in this state, who pay their taxes, who work just like everyone else, have a right to be politically represented as well by folks who share their interest and who advocate for them on a federal level?” As in the House, the map passed the Senate amid shouting from protesters and Democratic lawmakers. One senator stood on a desk with what appeared to be a bedsheet emblazoned with “No Jim Crow 2.0” and “Stop the TN Steal.” Other members turned their backs on the Senate dais. Tennessee becomes the ninth state to enact a new congressional map ahead of the midterms, an unusually active mid-decade redistricting cycle that started last year when President Donald Trump urged Republican-led states to redraw their lines to shore up the party’s narrow House majority. Republicans could pick up as many as 14 seats as a result of the campaign, compared with upward of 10 for Democrats, though several maps still face litigation. A seismic Supreme Court ruling last week that effectively eliminated the racial gerrymandering protections from the Voting Rights Act has further supercharged the trend. Louisiana and Alabama Republicans are laying the groundwork to redraw their maps, while South Carolina lawmakers are debating whether to do the same. The three states have five majority-minority districts represented by Democrats among them. And that’s likely to be just the start: Other states where filing deadlines and primary dates have already passed are looking at the 2028 election cycle for potential new maps.

Rafforzare la collaborazione tra Comuni e Guardia Costiera per garantire maggiore sicurezza della navigazione e della balneazione, tutelare l’ambiente marino e costiero e promuovere modelli di turismo sostenibile. È questo l’obiettivo del protocollo d’intesa siglato oggi a Roma tra Anci e il Corpo delle Capitanerie di Porto – Guardia Costiera. Alla firma sono intervenuti il vicepresidente vicario dell’Anci e sindaco di Ancona, Daniele Silvetti, e il Comandante generale delle Capitanerie di Porto – Guardia Costiera, ammiraglio ispettore capo Sergio Liardo. In collegamento è intervenuto anche Alessandro Terrile, vicesindaco di Genova e presidente della Commissione Politiche del mare, demanio marittimo e porti di Anci. All’incontro ha preso parte anche il presidente di Anci Calabria e sindaco di Gioia Tauro, Simona Scarcella, che nel suo intervento ha posto l’attenzione sulle principali esigenze dei comuni portuali e costieri, evidenziando il valore strategico della sinergia istituzionale con la Guardia Costiera per la salvaguardia dei territori e dell’ecosistema marino. Scarcella ha espresso il compiacimento dei sindaci dei comuni costieri e portuali calabresi per la sottoscrizione dell’intesa, definendola «un punto di partenza per una nuova e proficua fase di collaborazione istituzionale tra gli enti territoriali che amministrano i comuni sul mare e la Capitaneria di Porto, presidio fondamentale di legalità e sicurezza». Il protocollo rappresenta un passo significativo verso un’azione coordinata tra istituzioni, finalizzata a rafforzare il presidio del territorio costiero e a valorizzare in chiave sostenibile le risorse del mare.

My last blog postcomplaining about Apple's Liquid Glasssomehowhit the front page on Hacker News, and even the actual news media in some countries. All this made me realize Liquid Glass and Apple's software incompetence is absolutely universally hated, yet their hardware is universally loved. So credit where it's due, they make great hardware. After my last blog post I received tons and tons of emails from people mentioning that they switched to X or Y because of Liquid Glass, and much like them, I switched away from the Apple ecosystem thanks to these ongoing issues as well. I picked up a nice new Android phone and a Chromebook. So this blog post is about my painful journey trying to find a nice piece of hardware that works and feels just as good as Apple's hardware as a web developer. Let's start with the hardware, and how I stumbled upon this incredibly well designed laptop in the first place. Macbooks are incredibly well engineered pieces of hardware, and I really didn't want to settle for a laptop that feels worse or has a shit processor inside. Apple's m-series chips are ridiculously good with performance and battery life, so I didn't want to buy anything that feels less or worse. After searching online for days and reading up about processors and ranking what's out there, I stumbled upon a random comment that recommended checking out Mediatek Kompanio Ultra/Mali Immortalis G925 chips (which is also an ARM CPU/GPU), and mentioned that they're essentially the equivalent of Apple's M2. Having bought into Apple's M-series marketing thinking : "no fucking way there's a Mediatek chip out there that's as good as M2?!? right!?" I quickly searched processor benchmarks. Well, damn. Turns out, it is in fact almost as good as M2. Alright, so I googled the first laptop that has this fancy Mediatek chip, first result was from Lenovo, and before clicking I braced myself thinking it's going to be a thick plastic ugly machine straight out of a 90s hacker movie, but wow was I wrong. It looks just as good as a macbook if not better in many ways. It is solid, metal, light, sits super nicely and flat, doesn't feel hollow, has a headphone jack, two usb-c and one old-school usb type-a port on it, and it's actually lighter than the macbook air. Lenovo Chromebook Plus 14 is :1.17 kg. Macbook Air M2 is : 1.24 kg. Lenovo Chromebook Plus 14 is 15.7mm thick, and Macbook Air is 11.3mm thick. We're talking about 4.4mm difference here folks. For context, the M-SeriesMacbook Pro is 15.5mm.So it's essentially only as thick as a Macbook Pro for comparative reference. First thing my good friend Jesper asked is if the trackpad is as good as Apple's, and I have some good news. This particular Lenovo laptop's trackpad is just as good as Macbook's trackpads. My favorite thing about this laptop is that it has a built in, physical webcam cover. No more ugly stickers! Oh and the battery life is incredible. This thing lasts for about 10 - 12hours on a single charge. Mediatek / ARM processors are incredibly power-efficient. Enough geeky words about hardware, let's talk about software. If you come from Apple's ecosystem, one kinda has this expectation / mental image that the software quality will suck if you switch. I found that this depends ENTIRELY on your personal preferences and workflow and what you do on your laptop. Below I'll try to write a little bit about my workflow and preferences, and why this laptop actually worked out perfectly for me. First and foremost,I'm the founder of an all-remote web app company, so on this laptop I need to be able to code, do all sorts of business admin work, open up and usefigma, then finally respond to metric tons of emails and customer support messages. - Most of our admin work takes place in our own platform, which is a progressive web app that runs incredibly well on Chromebooks, so that's all sorted. -FigmaandSpotifyhave some of the best web apps out there as well, so that's all good too! - If I ever want to play around with my 3d printer, I can design stuff inOnshape, which is also a great web app. - You can easily set up things like DNS over HTTPS, Control D, AdGuard or NextDNS to block ads, or use VPNs etc so if those things matter to you, worry not, it's all there and easy to set up. (And you can even use their Android apps for further functionality as well) - If you rely on / heavily use AI tools, you can easily use Claude's Web App etc so that's super cool but also things likeJan also exist for Linux and I haven't tried, but you can use that as well for a more native experience. - Did you know thatAdobe ported Photoshop etc to web, with all the AI bells and whistles and the web apps perform incredibly well? As a side note, it is no surprise that Adobe's suite of creative apps -which made people pick and use Macs during the Steve Jobs era-, now work incredibly well on the web across all operating systems; so naturally,fearing for their platform's existence, Apple launched their own creative software suite to challenge Adobe. Shocker. One of the great pleasures of using Chrome OS is that the operating system is essentially built around Progressive Web Apps, but you can also use Android apps from the play store, as well as linux apps! So if you can't find a web app for something for whatever reason, chances are there's probably a linux or android app somewhere that will do the job for you. It also has some fun sync features between ChromeOS and Android, and the experience is frankly 10x better than Mac & iOS. Quickshare (the Airdrop alternative) ACTUALLY WORKS. You can even stream apps from your phone to your laptop and use your phone's apps on your desktop or take a look at your phone's screen on your desktop etc. Which brings me to the last and most important part of my productivity puzzle. Coding. I am a huge fan ofZed. It's ridiculously fast, makes VSCode look ancient, and does everything I need it to do + doesn't chew through your memory with Electron like VSCode does. By some sheer luck, just a few weeks ago,on Feb 25, 2026, with the version 0.225.9, Zed for Linux started using wgpu as the graphics backend. And thanks to that update, it is now possible to use Zed on Chromebooks (even ARM ones) efficiently with 2-3 lines of shell commands and tiny modifications that takes less than 5 minutes.I wrote a dedicated blog post about this to save you time! Since you have a proper linux under the hood, you can easily install and use things like nodejs / npm etc as well. Overall this seems to be working great as a practical dev setup for me and I couldn't be happier. For my company we don't use React / NextJS etc so they're not a part of my day-to-day workflow so I can't comment on those, or how well they would run, but with linux under the hood I'm sure these should be good too. Now. Let's talk about the only problematic thing I've discovered about this laptop so far, which is that right now, in March 2026, Signal for Linux doesn't work on ARM devices like this one from what I can tell. BUT there's some good news on the horizon, it seems that Signal's team is actively working on linking additional Android devices, and very soon we can simply solve this by using Signal for Android. Before you reach out with suggestions like "You should try Molly or Matrix etc" this is not as big of a deal breaker for me as it may seem right now, so I won't be testing out using other Signal clients or bridges. Before this switch I was quite nervous and didn't know what to expect, but now I'm full of optimism and joy. So if you're as bothered as I was with Liquid Glass and Apple's new design direction full of bugs, I hope this silly blog post helps you feel a bit more comfortable and at ease with the idea of switching away from Mac as well. I promise the grass is greener, and so are my message bubbles in your imessages.

Si è aperta, nella cornice dell’Excelsior Palace Hotel di Rapallo, la terza edizione del Forum Nazionale sull’Energia, intitolata “Transizione al bivio” e organizzato da TN Events & Media, in collaborazione con la testata specializzata Quotidiano Energia. L'evento è trasmesso da Telenord (canale 11 del digitale terrestre ligure) e in streaming da telenord.it. Due giornate di confronto tra istituzioni, imprese e mondo della ricerca per analizzare le sfide più urgenti del sistema energetico italiano ed europeo, tra sicurezza, sostenibilità e competitività. Dopo i saluti introduttivi di Massimiliano Monti, Editore Telenord, gli interventi istituzionale dell'Assessore Ambiente ed Energia Regione Liguria Paolo Ripamonti e del COO Industrial Transformation Eni Giuseppe Ricci, principale partner del Forum, si sono aperti i lavori della prima giornata. La svolta energetica tra ambizioni e realtà - La prima sessione è entrata nel vivo con la moderazione di Romina Maurizi, Direttrice Quotidiano Energia, e l'intervento di Alfredo Maria Becchetti, Presidente GSE: "Il GSE ha cambiato pelle negli ultimi anni, trasformandosi da soggetto incentivante a soggetto attuatore della transizione, oggi il GSE è il fulcro delle energie rinnovabili". A seguire, il confronto si è articolato in tre panel chiave. Geopolitica dell'energia - Nel panel dedicato alla geopolitica dell’energia sono intervenuti Costantino Amadei, Presidente Gruppo Gnl Federchimica-Assogasliquidi; Fabrizio Fabbri, CEO Ansaldo Energia; Pier Lorenzo Dell’Orco, Amministratore Delegato Italgas Reti e Presidente Proxigas; Alessandro Cecchi, Direttore Affari Regolatori Iren e Presidente AIRU; Ivanhoe Romin, General Manager Axpo Italia; Sonia Sandei, Special Advisor Assoclima; Leonardo Brunori, Energy Executive Vice President RINA. Si è affrontato uno dei temi più delicati dello scenario internazionale: la geopolitica dell’energia. In particolare Fabbri ha spiegato che i Paesi dove il mix tra fonti di energia è più ampio le bollette sono più basse e, in particolare, Ansaldo Energia è tornata in utile e gli ordini sono cresciuti del 28%. Le guerre tra Russia e Ucraina e la crisi in Medio Oriente hanno riportato l’energia al centro degli equilibri economici e strategici globali, evidenziando la vulnerabilità delle forniture e delle rotte energetiche internazionali. Il conflitto russo-ucraino ha mostrato quanto la dipendenza da gas e materie prime possa incidere sulle economie europee, mentre le tensioni nel Mar Rosso hanno acceso l’attenzione sulla sicurezza dei trasporti energetici. Oggi la sfida non riguarda più soltanto petrolio e gas, ma anche tecnologie strategiche come batterie, terre rare, idrogeno e sistemi di accumulo. Europa, Stati Uniti e Cina stanno investendo per rafforzare la propria autonomia industriale e ridurre la dipendenza dalle filiere estere. Un tema che coinvolge direttamente anche l’Italia, impegnata a rafforzare sicurezza energetica, rinnovabili e infrastrutture. Crescita della domanda e rinnovabili - Nel panel 'Crescita della domanda e rinnovabili' sono intervenuti Luca Bragoli, Chief Regulatory & Public Affairs Officer Erg, che ha affrontato il tema di "dare sostegno alle tecnologie funzionali all'evoluzione delle rinnovabili, in un quadro normativo chiaro, nella prospettiva di tutti i soggetti interessati chiamati a fare la propria parte". Antonello Giunta, Amministratore Delegato FS Energy; "Il nostro piano prevede un investimento particolarmente significativo, è importante in tema di decarbonizzazione traguardare l'aumento della produzione da fonti rinnovabili, dobbiamo capire cosa significhi decarbonizzare". Enrico Erulo, Direttore Corporate Affairs Tirreno Power; "Oltre a Vado abbiamo altri impianti idroelettrici, abbiamo attenzione per i consumatori che consumano energia appena prodotta. Abbiamo 18 impianti nella regione che necessitano di manutenzione continua. Il nostro impegno è aumentare energia da rinnovabili". Alessandro Migliorini, Head of Public Affair Italy European Energy; "Oggi situazione preoccupante, fare i conti con la realtà. Ci vuole grande resistenza fisica per fare sviluppo in Italia. Se uno guarda la mappa dei progetti in costruzione c'è una grande differenza tra Sud e Nord. Ci troviamo alle prese con progetti che ricevono 1300 osservazioni ministeriali, c'è una resistenza da parte del territorio. Bisogna far capire ai territori quali siano i benefici. Ci sono progetti in Sicilia che riguardano zone dove l'agricoltura non è svolta". Riccardo Bani, Amministratore Delegato Veos, ha analizzato la questione della "crescita della domanda delle energie secondo una filiera di valori, nella prospettiva di una transizione razionale e proficua per il mondo delle imprese e per la comunità. Paolo Picco, Presidente Federidroelettrica: "Il nostro target è di 3 megawatt. Il piccolo idroelettrico ha una visione cambiata e può agganciarsi alle infrastrutture esistenti. Serviamo consorzi e acquedotti, sistemi dove si consuma parecchio". Stoccaggio e accumulo - Nel panel 'Stoccaggio e accumulo' sono intervenuti Stefania Timperi, Head of Market Intelligence and Opportunity Identification Eni: "Siamo al centro di un percorso di trasformazione cominciato 15 anni fa, verso la transizione energetica. A Brindisi, andremo a realizzare una gigafactory per la costruzione di batterie al litio, per stare al passo coi tempi. Vogliamo facilitare lo sviluppo di una filiera nuova". Sabina Pinto, Amministratore Delegato e Direttore Generale Redelfi: "Siamo azienda italiana quotata in Borsa e siamo presenti negli Stati Uniti in Texas, Tennessee e Utah. Sviluppiamo progetti di rete di accumulo in modalità 'Stand Alone', per accumulare energia prodotta in certe fasi della giornata. Collaboriamo moltissimo con Terna". Alberto Longhi, Head of Eng & TA Fichtner Italia. "La maggior parte dei nostri impianti, tutti impianti di rete, in media 50 megawatt, sono realizzati secondo il sistema del lotto multiplo ed è importante il coordinamento tra i vari lotti. Si varia a seconda della complessità del progetto, che può essere diviso ulteriormente. Acceleriamo al massimo le attività di richiesta di offerte e di contrattazione. Altro aspetto importante è la scelta tecnologica delle batterie". Case History - Il case history è stato presentato da Alessandro Venanzini, V.P. Sales Danieli Centro Combustioni. "La nostra società progetta impianti siderurgici completi e impiega 10mila persone in tutto il mondo. Abbiamo sede a Genova e filiale in India. La decarbonizzazione nel mondo siderurgico vede come linea di demarcazione il Green Deal Europeo. Prima era tutto più semplice e gli obiettivi erano meno stringenti. I nostri impianti vanno a gas e con l'obiettivo di neutralità al 2050 abbiamo dovuto cambiare strategie. Abbiamo dovuto costruire i nostri forni sperimentali. I primi anni sembrava tutto idrogeno ma poi il settore incentivi non si è sviluppato. L'idrogeno è una buona soluzione tecnica ma oggi non è fattibile per sistema dei costi. Allora si è virati sull'elettrico, sostituendo gas con resistenze elettriche, ma anche questo comporta problemi. Giappone e Australia hanno incentivato l'uso dell'idrogeno, in Europa si crede nell'elettrico, ci credono tantissimo i Paesi del Nordeuropa. Tra poco partirà la prima acciaieria completamente elettrica". Il ritorno del nucleare nel dibattito energetico - La seconda sessione, moderata da Roberto Rasia, è stata dedicata al nucleare con due panel. Sicurezza energetica e Net Zero - Nel primo panel, dedicato a "Sicurezza energetica e Net Zero", sono intervenuti Luca Mastrantonio, Amministratore Delegato Nuclitalia: "Genova è un pezzo di storia dell'industria nucleare italiana. Abbiamo ancora un substrato molto significativo da cui ripartire. Dall'estero cercano know how nucleare italiano: perciò vogliamo partire dalla filiera italiana per organizzare un piano nucleare italiano sfruttando al massimo l'industria nazionale. Il programma italiano non si manifesterà con una semplice intenzione, ma cogliendo le occasioni di aumentare il nostro sistema". Daniela Gentile, Amministratore Delegato Ansaldo Nucleare: "Il contesto impone di guardare al portafoglio energetico in modo differente rispetto al passato, per rendere il sistema sostenibile dal punto di vista ambientale. Anno dopo anno si sono aggiunte variabili importanti, come l'obiettivo di decarbonizzare la siderurgia. Le complessità non si gestiscono in un modo solo. Nel caso si riaprisse la discussione sul nucleare, la prima base è un decreto che riapre la possibilità di reimpostare il Paese per renderlo idoneo al nucleare, a partire dalle infrastrutture legislative. Oggi l'opinione pubblica è molto più favorevole di una volta, specie i giovani. In Romania stiamo lavorando a un progetto particolare, due unità in collaborazione con un tecnologo canadese e un impianto cui stiamo 'allungando la vita'". Massimo Debenedetti, Amministratore Delegato Cetena: "Negli ultimi anni abbiamo speso molto per le rinnovabili, che ci danno autonomia energetica ma dipendenza tecnologica, nutrendo una filiera tecnologica basata in Cina. Da marzo la Cina ha aumentato del 50% l'esportazione di componentistica fotovoltaica. Non facciamo l'errore fatto con le rinnovabili: il nucleare è una tecnologia europea con solidissime basi in Italia e investirvi significa riaprire una filiera di tutto rispetto. Fincantieri si occupa di nucleare per via della multidimensionalità energetica". Franco Cotana, Amministratore Delegato RSE: "Siamo coinvolti a pieno titolo in questa transizione ambientale, da molti anni lavoriamo a questo obiettivo. Abbiamo valutato scenari diversi, si dice che il mondo potrebbe funzionare solo con le rinnovabili ma quelle che programmiamo oggi non sono stabili e così abbiamo problemi di stoccaggi. Abbiamo valutato scenari diversi e il nucleare conviene perché assicura la stabilità, affidabilità e continuità della rete elettrica. Il black out spagnolo di 10 ore ha provocato danni per un miliardo, in Italia il danno sarebbe stato cinque volte tanto. Il mix rinnovabili-nucleare è vincente perché possiamo realizzarlo con il nostro sistema di imprese. Il nucleare da fissione ha molti vantaggi sulle altre tecnologie. Sulla fusione siamo nel campo della ricerca e pensiamo alla fusione a confinamento non magnetico". Viviana Cruciani, Assistente AD e Coordinatrice programmi decommissioning Sogin: "Oggi Sogin affronta sfide tecnologiche molto importanti, per lo smantellamento dei siti italiani, in cui oggi si potrebbero implementare le nuove tecnologie da sviluppare. Disponendo già di questi beni ci sarebbe un risparmio economico, senza la necessità di costruzioni nuove, secondo l'esempio di Caorso, funzionante dal 1981 al 1986. Manteniamo in funzione impianti in esercizio quando le centrali funzionavano. Le competenze di Sogin sarebbero immediatamente disponibili se in Italia si volesse tornare al nucleare". Competenze e politiche industriali - Nel secondo panel, 'Competenze e politiche industriali', hanno preso la parola Tommaso Botto, Manager Divisione Industry and Energy ASG Superconductors: "Lavoriamo su magneti superconduttivi funzionali all'industria nucleare. La complessità e la precisione richiesta sono molto elevate e noi siamo in grado di attenervisi. Non disperdere energia e trasmetterla sono funzioni cruciali, la superconduttività va anche in questa direzione, il tutto con tecnologia italiana. Stiamo lavorando al progetto Iris, che porterà un gigawatt di potenza in poco più di 20 cm di diametro". Giacomo Grasso, Responsabile Laboratorio progettazione e analisi sistemi nucleari Enea: "La disponibilità di energia corre in parallelo col miglioramento della qualità della vita. L'energia deve essere prodotta in maniera pulita. La fusione nucleare porta sulla terra una fusione che avviene nelle stelle, per avere energia in enorme quantità a bassissimo impatto ambientale. Serviranno passi ulteriori per arrivare al concreto sfruttamento commerciale, per gestire i milioni di gradi di temperatura all'interno del plasma mediante un divertore da realizzarsi a Frascati presso i laboratori Enea. In Italia tantissime delle aziende che avevamo si sono riconvertite, ma ne abbiamo oltre 70 ancora impegnate nel nucleare e con una credibilità internazionale. Quando partimmo col programma nucleare, eravamo tra le prime potenze al mondo e questo patrimonio di conoscenze non si è disperso. Questa base di partenza è necessaria per poter pensare al rilancio del nucleare". Edoardo Fiorentini, Head of Magnetic Fusion Initiatives Development Eni: "Eni è una società che crede nelle tecnologie, noi abbiamo un approccio neutrale per ottenere la decarbonizzazione. La fusione è sicura e parte da elementi reperibili in natura. Il percorso di Eni inizia da lontano, dal 2008. Siamo in grado di riprodurre fenomeni che la forza di gravità produce nelle stelle. Vogliamo generare energia da fusione nel prossimo decennio, siamo nella fase sperimentale nella prospettiva di passare alla fase commerciale. Il nostro obiettivo è far passare la fusione come elemento industriale e commerciale". SECONDA GIORNATA - La seconda giornata del Forum si aprirà venerdì 8 maggio alle 9,30 con gli interventi di Milena Antonella Rizzi, Prefetto Capo Servizio Regolazione dell’Agenzia per la Cybersicurezza Nazionale, e di Roberta Pinotti, Presidente del Polo Nazionale della Subacquea. A introdurre i lavori sarà Roberto Rasia. La mattinata sarà dedicata al tema della cosiddetta “transizione gemella”, in cui digitalizzazione e innovazione tecnologica verranno analizzate come leve decisive della trasformazione energetica. La Sessione 3, moderata da Paola Girdinio, presidente di Start 4.0 e docente dell’Università di Genova, si aprirà con la relazione di Carlo Cavazzoni, responsabile dell’Hypercomputing Continuum di Leonardo, che inquadrerà il ruolo del calcolo avanzato come infrastruttura strategica per i sistemi energetici del futuro. A seguire, il primo panel affronterà il rapporto tra intelligenza artificiale e transizione energetica, con contributi che arriveranno dal mondo industriale, legale e tecnologico. Interverranno Mirco Junior Mariani (TXT Industrial), Giorgio Allasia (Gruppo FOS), Marta Bray (B-Right Lawyers), Mattia Zara (Veos AI) e Giovanni Ponti (Enea), mentre una case history sarà dedicata alla startup MyWAI e al tema della sovranità tecnologica nell’impiego dell’AI per infrastrutture critiche. Il secondo panel della mattinata sarà invece incentrato sulla resilienza energetica e sulla cyber security, con gli interventi di Ivan Monti (Ansaldo Energia), Francesco Maria Gavotti (B-Right Lawyers), Roberto Caviglia (Gruppo HWG Sababa) e Alessandro Manfredini (A2A), che metteranno in evidenza il legame sempre più stretto tra sicurezza digitale e continuità dei sistemi energetici. Dopo una breve pausa, i lavori proseguiranno con la Sessione 4 dedicata alla dimensione underwater come nuova frontiera della sicurezza energetica. Il confronto coinvolgerà rappresentanti del settore industriale e della difesa subacquea, tra cui Giulio Marino Cappelletti del Polo Nazionale della Dimensione Subacquea, Andrea Cornetti di Unitirreno, Andrea Savino di Fincantieri e Stefano Meggio di Saipem, in un dibattito focalizzato sulle tecnologie sottomarine e sulle loro possibili applicazioni strategiche. La Sessione 5, a seguire, porterà l’attenzione sul settore marittimo e sulla decarbonizzazione dello shipping, in un panel organizzato dal Propeller Club Port of Genoa. Interverranno esponenti del comparto armatoriale, industriale e della ricerca, tra cui Lorenzo Pollicardo (SYBAss), Simone Bruckner (Sanlorenzo), Emanuela Franchini (F.lli Cosulich), Andrea Cogliolo (RINA) e Nicole Colla (Axpo Italia), mentre Paolo Cuomo (ENI) offrirà un approfondimento sul rapporto tra competitività industriale e transizione energetica. Dopo il pranzo ufficiale, il pomeriggio sarà dedicato al fattore umano della transizione energetica e alla sfida dello skill gap. La Sessione 6 vedrà gli interventi di Andrea Delucchi (Confindustria Genova), Marco Fossa (Università di Genova) ed Elisabetta Arato (Ticass), che rifletteranno sulla necessità di colmare il divario di competenze per accompagnare l’evoluzione del sistema energetico. La giornata si concluderà nel pomeriggio con le considerazioni finali e la chiusura ufficiale del convegno, che ribadirà la centralità del dialogo tra istituzioni, industria e ricerca in una fase cruciale della transizione energetica europea. Per restare sempre aggiornati sulle principali notizie sulla Liguria seguiteci sul canale Telenord, su Whatsapp, su Instagram, su Youtube e su Facebook.